Géopolitique: Le conflit Rwanda-Ouganda sur le sol congolais ?

Publié le par veritas

Le génocide de Beni devrait durer tant que les tueurs de Kagame, sous uniformes FARDC, ne seront pas stoppés dans leur ambition d'envahir l'Ouganda. Ils vident de leurs populations autochtones les territoires frontaliers de Beni et d'Ituri, s'installent et préparent une invasion contre l'Ouganda.

Kagame est convaincu que Museveni aura du mal à envoyer son armée dans l'est du Congo à cause du contentieux des 10 milliards $ devant la Cour internationale de justice. Mais il est difficile de percer les secrets de Museveni, qui connait mieux que quiconque le "bad boy" de Kigali qui fut son n°2 des services de renseignement. Deux scénarios semblent se profiler, mais ils sont tous défavorables au Congo et aux populations congolaises des zones frontalières.

1/Soit le conflit armé éclate et les combats se déroulent de part et d'autres de la frontière ougando-congolaise.

2/Soit les deux pays renoncent au conflit armé. Dans ce second scénario, les forces déployées par Kagame et qui se sont déjà installées sur les terres congolaises dégarnies de leurs autochtones refuseront certainement de retourner au Rwanda et, comme par le passé, n'accepteront pas d'être mutées dans d'autres provinces de la RDC.

Le recensement de la population annoncé par Jaynet Kabila devrait aboutir à la fixation de ces occupants rwandais sur les terres où ils sont en train de s'implanter durablement.
Les autochtones tués ou chassés de leurs terres ? Incognito ! D'ailleurs le gouvernement de Kinshasa n'en parle même pas. Ces malheureux n'existent pas dans les agendas politiques de Kinshasa et dans les calculs géopolitiques en cours.

 

Boniface Musavuli (facebook)

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@Ka<br /> <br /> Narakubwiye ngi Ililire wowe ulimo kumara imyambi mu ruge.Iyo depression untuka wowe nta na chance nanke uzagira yo kuyigira.Uzagwa uguye kimwe n'abo mufatanyije gukora genocide y'abahutu.Baca umugano ngo UKUBIRA CYANE UKAMARA N'UBWALIMO.Mwumva inama se kubera ubwibone bwanyu.Ko mujya kwisama mwasandaye.<br /> <br /> MUDACUMURA yo kavugwa,kuba yararanzwe no kwanga no kurwanya akarengane k'abanyarwanda,agakomeza urugamba rwo kurwanya ingomba ya gihake na gikolonize yaje iturutse i Bugande,bivuze ko amaraso ye atamenekeye ubusa.Bivuze ko ba MUDACUMURA ali benshi bazakomeza ikivi yahingaga.Ubu rero ndabaseka kuko mu bushishozi bwanyu buke mukeka ko urugamba ruba rugizwe n'umuntu umwe.Oya siko bimeze ku barwanya Kagame.Birumvikana ko mukeka ko isi yose ikora nk'uko Kagame akora:gutegeka wenyine,kurwana wenyine amaze kwisasira imbaga ilimo Rwigema,Bunyenyezi,etc,kwica abana b'abanyabwenge baje kumufasha urugamba abaziza ko bavugaga igifransa atumva,kwica uwo bamaze gusinyana ko bahaye abanyarwanda amahoro...Amabi menshi yo gushaka kubaho wenyine n'abamuvugiliza ibihoho.<br /> <br /> Mujye muceceka tubaziho byinshi kandi igihe nikigera tuzabikubita hasi mubure aho mukwirwa.Tegereza gato.
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Igihe cyose muzaba mutaramenya igikwiriye mugahora mukora ibintu mujandajanda ntacyo muzageraho!!Baravuga ngo findi findi irutwa naso araroga kandi ngo usuze agirwa no kunutsa!!!<br /> Ko mwari mwageze iwanyu muri nyungwe koko ninde wabashutse ngo muveyo?,kurwana ikinyumanyuma dore nibyo bibagejeje aho( buri gihe murwana defensive kandi ibyo biba bikwiye gukorwa nabikoreye amagi)!!!<br /> Abasesenguzi nta gihe tutababwiye ko guhora muzariira kwanyu bizabamarisha!!<br /> Hari uwavuze ko abantu ngo bameze nkabadamaraye!!Ibyo sibyo. None se bakore iki ?,bahere he niba bari mu mwijima kandi akaba nta numwe ubageraho ngo abereke umucyo??Bakore iki bahere he??<br /> Abantu bazava mu bujiji gute niba hatabonetse ababsjijura???<br /> Ikindi mumenye ko mutazigera mugira icyo mugeraho igihe cyose mwiha guhora mumeze nkabapadiri bigisha ivanjiri abo ku rundi ruhande mwiboneye ko ibyivanjiri zanyu nibigambo bihora bicicikana mu matangazo bo babigindura nka zero!!! Murandika cyane mukavuga cyane ariko bo iyo banyarutse rimwe bagasekura ibigambo birenga igihumbi bihita bihinduka zero!!!!<br /> Ubwo rero hakenewe ibikorwa byinshi amagambo make!!!!!!!@@
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ITANGAZO<br /> GO AHEAD arwaye indwara y'agahinda gakabije (Depression) Kubera intsinzwi y'ibipingamizi byo muri FLN na FDLR none Kubera ko yanataye umutwe ngo yizeye ko Igipingamizi MUDACUMURA kizazuka hanyuma tukarira we agaseka.
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@MUKASINE. Harya ngo za ntaragahanga zanyu zo muri FLN na FDLR ntabwo zatsinzwe ngo zirimo zirisuganya hanyuma zongere zitere ngo Niko guerilla ikorwa? Ngo n'Inkotanyi niko zabigenje? Inkotanyi se Sha ko zo zari zifite abahanga mu bya gisirikare mwebwe mukaba ntabo mugira ahubwo ko icyo mufite gusa ari ingengabitekerezo ya genocide Kandi iyongiyo ikaba idashobora kubarwanirira ngo itsinde ubona utazapfana agahinda ko kwizera ibidashoboka? <br /> Ese wigeze ubona Ingabo za HABYALIMANA zifata mpiri Inkotanyi ibihumbi bibiri nk'uko FLN na FDLR byirirwa bitoragurwa mu mashyamba ya Congo? Nubundi mwari mumaze igihe kinini mwisuganya niyo mpamvu mu minsi ishize mwashoje Intambara ku Rwanda mumaze kuyishoza abayobozi banyu baricwa abandi bafatwa mpiri, abarwanyi banyu benshi bamanika amaboko ubu bagejejwe mu Rwanda ku bwinshi. Niba hari agatege mugisigaranye nimugende mwisuganye mwongere mushoze indi Intambara ku Rwanda, uwabarashe ntaho yagiye nimwongera gushoza Intambara ku Rwanda muzongera mwicwe nk'ibimonyo kugeza igihe iyo ngeso mbi yo kurwana Intambara mudashoboye muyicikiyeho mukamenya ko gufatanya n'abandi banyarwanda kubaka u Rwanda aribyo bizabaha amahoro naho ibyo kurwana ngo mugarure genocide mu Rwanda bizatuma mupfa mushire no kwirirwa muboroga ngo barabamaze Kandi muri Impunzi ntacyo bizabafasha Kuko isi yose yamaze kumenya ubugoryi bwanyu bwo gushoza Intambara akaba arimwe muzishiriramo mwarangiza mukijwigiriza ngo Kagame arabamaze. Ni ubugoryi bwanyu bubamaze ntako Kagame atabagize ngo mutahe mu mahoro ariko mwigize ba bukorikori bwa nzikoraho. Amagambo yo murayafite ariko Intambara ntayo mushoboye Kandi ntiwibagirwe ko twebwe nta ntambara yadutera ubwoba. Iyo muzadushozaho yose bizarangura muyitsinzwe ndetse munayishiriyemo.
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Ko cyera mwatubwiraga ko izo Nkotanyi zifite imirizo, ko zibona mu mwijima nkuko injangwe zibona (voir dans le noir)...<br /> Ko twabonye bava amaraso nkabandi bantu?
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Abanyarwanda ntawubabujije kwandika canke kuvuga ubwicanyi bwa kagome;ariko nimugerageze muve muri ivyo bihugu murimwo mutangure urugamba rw,amasasu kandi mutanguranwe n,umwaka wa 2020.Erega igihe kiriko kirabajana kandi ukomutinda niko kagame akomeza kubarobamwo kamwekamwe,
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Abanyarwanda bari mu bihugu by abandi ngo bumvako bageze iwabo, ntabwo bakiri abanyarwanda ngo ubu babaye abarundi, abakongomani nubundi bwoko bwishi butandukanye. Amagambo yabo barusha isandi-inyoni ntibazi iyo bava niyo bajya, nIbi weleweli gusa. Kuzageza Kagome abishe akabamaraho kwisi. Ihene yumva aruko ugutwi kokeje.
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@ Christoph<br /> @Ka<br /> <br /> Mbisubiremo nkoresheje imigani y'abazungu en francais et en anglais facile faciles:RIRA BIEN QUI RIRA LE DERNIER or Who laughs last laughs the best.<br /> <br /> Biratangaje kandi biteye n'isoni kuba mumaze imyaka irenga 25 mulilimba intsinzi aliko mukaba mukili ku rugamba ,mwica abasaza,abakecuru n'impinja babahunze.Ifilimbi mvuga izavuzwa n'ibisigara by'abaturage umunsi bazaca burundu guhigishwa uruhindu kwa bamwe, akandoyi,agafuni na humiliza nkuyobore;uwo munsi bazakwira mu mihanda,kuli television no mu binyamakuru batangaza ko BIBOHOYE bwa kabili kandi ko noneho ali burundu.<br /> <br /> Iyo niyo izaba ali intsinzi ureke iyo abanyarwanda batsindiliwe n'inkotanyi izirusha gusogota yali igamije kubulizamo ubwumvikane bw'abanyarwanda bali bagaragaje mu masezerano y'ARUSHA yo kurangiza intambara burundu mu gihugu cyabo,bakayoborwa n'amatwara ya kidemukarasi.<br /> <br /> Ubu mwabeshya nde ko mwarangije intambara muyitsinze igihe impunzi zili hanze ziruta kure izalizo mbere ya 90,igihe nta kanunu k'amatwara ya democratie,igihe mucyirundanya ibitwaro bya rutura,mwohehereza abasilikare ibihumbi n'ibihumbi(+30000) muli Congo ibindi bihumbi mukabyohereza mu mahanga kubuza uburyo impunzi zabahungiye kure,igihe mugitera u Burundi,u Buganda,na Tanzania ikaba ibategereje?Muvuga ko mukulikiyeyo ababahunze bitwaje ibirwanisho.Uretse ko akarere mwakagize agasitwe mwitwaje genocide mwateguye mukanayishyira mu bikorwa,ubundi mwagombye gukanirwa urubakwiye,mugacecekeshwa burundu ,abatuye akarere bakabona amahoro aliyo soko y'amajyambere.Ni hahandi hanyu aliko ,baracyabiga,mu gihe gito muzabona ishyano.<br /> <br /> Kuva ubu ndiyama imvugo nyandagazi y'uyu wiyita Christoph buli igihe wigamba ko bishe umupresident w'igihugu wali warasinye amasezerano y'amahoro mu Rwanda no mu karere,bagamije gushora igihugu mu miborogo ngo bafate ubutegetsi budasaranganyijwe.Biransetsa aliko bikanambabaza iyo avuze ko Habyarimana yatsinzwe kandi yali ashyigikiwe na Zayire n'Ubufransa.NTIYATSINZWE YALISHWE.Ingabo ze ntizatsinzwe,zafatiwe embargo.Ubufransa ntibwigeze bwemerera Habyarimana gutsinda intambara.Bamushoye mu mishyikirano ali byo byahaye FPR imbaraga n'amahirwe byo gukomeza gutegura APOCALYPSE.Abenshi banakeka amababa u Bufransa kuba bwaratereranya Habyarimana bukabisa Kagame ngo arangize imigambi ye mibisha.Amateka azatubwira niba leta yali iyobowe na Balladur ilimo n'inshuti magra ya Kagame Bernard Kouchner nta ruhare bagize mu rwego rwo kurwanya MITTERRAND bategekanaga mu cyo bita COHABITATATION.<br /> Iby'ubufasha bwa Zayire bwo ntawabuvuga kuko batahamaze kabili kubera indiscipline.<br /> <br /> Ese iyo Christoph avuze ko Habyarimana yabonye ubufasha maze kwerekana ko butali bwo,aba ashaka kuvuga ko FPR yarwanye nta bufasha ifite?FPR yatewe inkunga hafi n'isi yose guhera ku Bugande,UBURUNDI,TANZANIA,ETHIOPIA,SOMALI,UBUBILIGI,UBWONGEREZA,AMERICA,ONU,FMI na WORLD BANK zahatiye u Rwanda programu ya Ajustement structurel mu ntambara,Amashyaka ya Opposition mu gihugu imbere,ba Ambassadeurs b'ibihugu bikomeye kw'isi bali mu Rwanda,..etc.<br /> <br /> Ujye ujya kubeshya abahinde.Ahubwo mwitege igihe ababashyize ku ntebe ariko bakabima intsinzi bazabazinukwa babonye ko barwanye intambara yo KUGOMERA INYANJA.MINORITY ntiyigera itegeka muli democratie.Urugamba rwabananiye kubera iyo mpamvu.Mujye mwiliza Bamporiki na Evode kuli za televisiyo mwetrakana ko musangiye ubutegetsi n'abahutu,ibyo ntacyo bizahindura.ku mahame ya democratie.Muteze abana ababyeyi babo nkuliya uherutse kwitandukanya na se ngo kuko ali impunzi,ntibizahindura isura y'urugamba rwo kwibohora.
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Now all analysts can see the role of kagame and his men in sacrificing innocent tutsies to get on power. And he always claim to be a saviour to them. He will pay it soon or later,"nothing goes for nothing". It is always a matter of time. All those goons behind him, they know what is awaiting for them.
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ACCUEILPOLITIQUESOCIÉTÉÉCONOMIEMONDECULTUREART DE VIVREMAGAZINEDÉBATTONS !EDITOSLES MÉDIOLOGUESENTRETIENSTRIBUNESBILLETSBLOGSFORUM<br /> Marianne | “Le goût de la vérité n’empêche pas de prendre parti” A.Camus" logo<br /> <br /> <br /> 26' <br /> ‌<br /> ​ENQUÊTE<br /> Rwanda : révélations sur les massacres de Bisesero<br /> Par Judi Rever<br /> Publié le 21/12/2019 à 10:22<br /> D’anciens soldats de l’armée patriotique du Rwanda, le bras armé du Front patriotique rwandais de Paul Kagamé, et un survivant tutsi, sauvé par des soldats français, livrent de nouveaux éléments sur un épisode clef du génocide rwandais qui vaut aux forces de l’opération Turquoise d’être pointées du doigt.<br /> <br /> Certains en ont fini avec la tragédie rwandaise, un des pires génocides contemporains (800 000 morts, principalement tutsis), survenu en 1994 dans un pays où le feu couvait depuis des années. C'est le cas de la justice française qui l'an dernier a refermé une instruction vieille de vingt ans et visant plusieurs proches du dictateur Paul Kagamé, maître du pays depuis la fin des massacres et la victoire de son Front patriotique rwandais (FPR). Ils étaient soupçonnés avoir joué un rôle actif dans l'attentat meurtrier contre l'avion du président hutu Juvénal Habyarimana, le 6 avril 1994, événement présenté comme déclencheur du génocide. « Preuves insuffisantes » ont finalement tranché les magistrats, soulagés de se débarrasser d'un « boulet » réputé plomber depuis trop longtemps les relations entre la France et un Etat phare d'un certain miracle économique africain.<br /> <br /> D'autres, avec plus ou moins de sincérité, portés par de fortes convictions supposément anticolonialistes et une compassion pour les victimes tutsies interdisant le moindre doute, poursuivent un combat dont la France, « complice », estiment-ils, des génocidaires hutus, reste le seul et principal objectif. Et gare à qui ne partage pas leur credo, en partie ou en totalité, et se voit immédiatement qualifié de « négationniste ». A leurs yeux, et en dépit d'années de recherches sur le sujet, les deux journalistes et essayistes auxquels Marianne donne aujourd'hui la parole, appartiennent à cette catégorie infamante. Journaliste canadienne, ayant travaillé aussi bien pour RFI que le quotidien anglophone Globe and Mail, Judi Rever n'a jamais cessé d'interroger l'angle mort du génocide et y a d'ailleurs consacré un ouvrage, Praise of blood, the crimes of the Rwanda patriotic front, récompensé par de nombreux prix. Convaincue depuis longtemps que le FPR de Paul Kagamé n'a pas les mains aussi propres qu'il le prétend, elle va aujourd'hui plus loin et l'accuse d'avoir pris part aux massacres des Tutsis, en infiltrant les milices du Hutu-Power. Avec un objectif politique conduit en tout cynisme : s'imposer comme le seul recours légitime face aux génocidaires. Elle s'attache tout particulièrement à un épisode central du génocide, le massacre, sur les collines de Bisesero, de plusieurs dizaines de milliers de Tutsis pour lesquels les militaires français n'auraient pas levé le petit doigt. Basée sur de nombreux témoignages, nécessairement anonymes en raison du climat de peur que Kagamé fait régner chez ses opposants exilés à l'étranger, c'est son enquête.<br /> <br /> <br /> Mais elle s'inscrit dans le fil de celles que notre collaborateur Pierre Péan, mort en juillet dernier, a mené sans relâche, malgré les campagnes d'insultes et d'intimidation. « Fils spirituel » du disparu, le journaliste franco-camerounais Charles Onana a, lui, publié pas moins de six ouvrages sur la tragédie. Dans le même état d'esprit : ne pas céder à la seule loi de l'émotion et examiner les faits avec les outils de la raison. Dans un entretien avec Marianne (publié dans notre numéro double de fin d'année actuellement en kiosques), il revient sur son dernier ouvrage, La vérité sur l'opération Turquoise où il démonte les accusations contre la France et comment le FPR en a fait son miel.<br /> <br /> <br /> Alain Léauthier<br /> <br /> Le débit de Martin, normalement rapide et assuré, change tout d’un coup lorsqu’il parle de Bisesero, au Sud-Ouest du Rwanda, en 1994. « Ils ont tué mon père et ma mère. Ils ont tué mes deux sœurs, mon frère aîné et mon plus jeune frère », dit-il d’une voix faible et mal assurée. « Ils les ont massacrés à la baïonnette, à la grenade et avec des houes. Je n’ai pas pu les enterrer et lorsque j’ai découvert qui étaient les responsables ce fût une pure torture psychologique. »<br /> <br /> Pendant vingt-cinq ans, Etats et médias internationaux ont fait de Paul Kagamé le libérateur d’un pays poussé au bord de la folie en 1994. Des chercheurs du monde entier ont essayé, à grand peine, de comprendre comment tant de Tutsis ont pu être exterminés si rapidement dans ce petit pays d’Afrique centrale, en l’espace de cent jours. D’après l’histoire officielle, telle que rapportée dans les livres et par les survivants du Rwanda étroitement contrôlés par Kagamé, c’est le précédent gouvernement hutu et ses bourreaux volontaires qui décidèrent d’exterminer la minorité tutsie à la machette, dans une tentative désespérée pour se maintenir au pouvoir.<br /> <br /> Alors qu’il y a quelques désaccords sur l’estimation du nombre de victimes tutsies, entre 500 000 et un million, il n’y a pas de controverse historique sur le niveau de brutalité et l’ampleur de la disparition des Tutsis d’avril à juillet 1994. Bisesero, fief tutsi où des dizaines de milliers de victimes furent tuées à la hache, à l’arme à feu ou brûlées par des hordes de tueurs, est régulièrement cité comme exemple de la forme la plus « pure » du génocide des Tutsis en 1994.<br /> <br /> Et pourtant, pour Martin, l’identité de l’organisateur et responsable ultime des massacres abominables de Bisesero ne fait aucun doute. Il affirme que le cerveau en était Paul Kagamé lui-même.<br /> <br /> LIRE AUSSI<br /> CHARLES ONANA : "LE RÉGIME DE KAGAMÉ ESSAYE DE RÉÉCRIRE L'HISTOIRE"<br /> Dans ce pays où Hutus et Tutsis se ressemblent quelquefois beaucoup, partagent la même langue et la même culture, Kagamé et ses chefs militaires mirent au point une stratégie d’ « intoxication » qui passera à la postérité. Au cours de leurs actions, les soldats tutsis de Kagamé se dissimulaient sous l’uniforme de la milice hutue pour s’en prendre aux civils. La terreur engendrée par le carnage provoqua autant d’horreur que de dégoût sur place et à l’étranger, donnant au FPR le capital politique nécessaire à la réalisation de ses ambitions nationales et internationales.<br /> <br /> Infiltrer, dissimuler et tromper<br /> Martin et quatre autres soldats de Kagamé affirment aujourd'hui que des commandos issus des bataillons du FPR ont infiltré la milice hutue et ont sauvagement massacré les Tutsis de Bisesero. Ils les décrivent enlevant les Tutsis chez eux ou les poussant des collines dans les ravins à l’aide de houes et de gourdins improvisés, de matraques plantées de clous et de métal coupant, frappant les victimes à la tête et au cœur.<br /> <br /> Mes sources, qui m'ont pratiquement toutes réclamé un total anonymat pour des raisons de sécurité évidente, établissent que des centaines de membres des commandos FPR effectuèrent une descente sur Bisesero et les zones environnantes de Mumubuga, Uwingabo, Mataba, Kagari, Ngoma, Muyira et, au-delà, dans la région de Kibuye. Aux côtés de la milice hutue dite Interahamwe, ces commandos lancèrent une série d’attaques initiales dans la région, du milieu à la fin du mois de mai 1994, au plus fort du génocide. La milice Interahamwe était la jeune garde du parti au pouvoir du président Juvenal Habyarimana, le MRND, (Mouvement révolutionnaire national pour le développement) dont de nombreuses recrues étaient au chômage, exilées et affamées. Il est également avéré que des commandos du FPR avaient infiltré les milices des partis hutus d’opposition.<br /> <br /> Au début des attaques de ces milices « mixtes », les Tutsis de Bisesero organisèrent une résistance inhabituellement efficace, combattant les tueurs à l’aide de lances et d’autres armes traditionnelles. Ils démontrèrent un courage et une force si remarquables que Kagamé lui-même y fit référence dans un de ses discours : « Une exception majeure au schéma d’abandon et de désespoir est à noter dans les annales horribles du génocide. La résistance organisée par des milliers de Tutsis, pour la plupart sans armes, à Bisesero, dans la province de Kibuye, à l’Ouest du Rwanda, est en elle-même un témoignage de la détermination d’un important groupe de la population à ne pas devenir des victimes. » Et cependant, par une de ses opérations les plus diaboliques et les mieux planifiées de 1994, c'est bien le FPR qui finit par écraser la résistance des Tutsis de Bisesero, s’assurant de leur mort par milliers fin juin, alors que l’armée française arrivait au Rwanda pour y conduire une mission d'aide humanitaire.<br /> <br /> D’après plusieurs témoins ayant fui le Rwanda, ce sont les commandants en chef bénéficiant de sa plus grande confiance, James Kabarebe et Charles Kayonga, que Kagamé chargea d’organiser l’opération de Bisesero. Kabarebe était le responsable des gardes du corps de Kagamé au bataillon du Haut Commandement et Kayonga celui du 3ème bataillon basé à Kigali, la capitale, et par lequel transitaient les commandos avant de se déployer dans les provinces. Kabarebe et Kayonga inondèrent la région d’un nombre toujours croissant de commandos et d’armes - grenades et fusils en particulier - puis reçurent un appui militaire d’un petit groupe de soldats de l’armée du président Juvenal Habyrimana à Kibuye.<br /> <br /> Plus surMarianne<br /> Photo : Instagram @vinnyohh<br /> Les ravages de la chirurgie esthétique <br /> Didier Guillaume et Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne rêvent tous les deux de la mairie de Biarritz. Problème : ils font partie du même gouvernement...<br /> Municipales : deux ministres candidats à Biarritz, l’histoire de Noël "lunaire" du gouvernement <br /> A de très rares exceptions près, la retraite par point ne fait... que des gagnants !<br /> ​Réforme des retraites : le simulateur du gouvernement qui vous donne (presque) toujours gagnant <br /> Dans le cadre des violences conjugales, 80% des plaintes sont classées sans suites.<br /> "C’est fait pour nous protéger, mais ça peut nous isoler davantage" : victimes et associations divisées sur la levée du secret médical <br /> "Ce matin, mon téléphone est en voie d’implosion de messages de tristesse, mais c’est comme cela​", regrette Isabelle Balkany.<br /> Isabelle Balkany : "Patrick m'a dit : 'on ne va pas laisser la Ville à des cons !'"<br /> Toutefois, un ancien haut responsable du renseignement du FPR, confirmant au passage le rôle déterminant de celui-ci dans le massacre de Bisesero, affirme que les forces militaires hutues officielles avaient fui la région vers la fin juin et ne prirent pas part directement à la tuerie des Tutsis. « C’est pure fiction, explique-t-il. Quand les Tutsis de Bisesero furent tués par les commandos Interahamwe et le FPR, les FAR (Forces armées rwandaises) étaient en fuite. »<br /> <br /> Martin affirme qu’il sait ce qui est arrivé à sa famille et aux autres Tutsis de Bisesero parce que ceux qui ont participé à l’opération le lui ont dit et qu'ils étaient membres des commandos des bataillons de Kagamé.<br /> <br /> « J’ai entendu Kagamé demander par radio comment ça se passait à Bisesero »<br /> <br /> Cinq anciens membres de l’armée de Kagamé ont communiqué les noms de quelque quarante « collègues » impliqués dans les massacres de Bisesero. Il s’agissait essentiellement de Tutsis et d'éléments de plusieurs bataillons du FPR, entre autres le 11ème bataillon, le 10ème et l’unité mobile Charlie. Selon trois de mes sources, plusieurs membres des commandos exprimèrent un profond remord du massacre des Tutsis. Quelques-uns se disaient « malades » et traumatisés d’avoir tué des coreligionnaires mais n’avaient pas eu le choix par peur d’être eux-mêmes exécutés pour insubordination. Pour des raisons de confidentialité et éviter des recoupements qui les mettraient en danger, les noms de ces participants ne sont pas mentionnés. Certains ont été assassinés par le FPR après le génocide, mais beaucoup sont encore en vie et pourraient être éliminés, à l'instar du sort funeste du dissident Patrick Kareyega, l'ancien chef des services secrets de Kagamé, assassiné en Afrique du Sud.<br /> <br /> La plupart des anciens militaires qui se sont confiés à moi ont trop peur de parler à visage découvert, au risque de leur vie. Il y en a pourtant un, ayant quitté le Rwanda il y a plus de dix ans, qui a accepté de sortir de l’ombre et d’être identifié. Il s’appelle James Munyandinda et appartenait au bataillon du Haut Commandement, l’une des gardes rapprochés de Kagamé. James est certain que celui-ci, Kabarebe et Kayonga donnèrent aux commandos du FPR l’ordre des tueries de Bisesero, et du Rwanda en général. Et pour cause : il assure les avoir entendus discuter des opérations sur leurs talkies-walkies Motorola en mai, juin et début juillet. « J’ai entendu Kagamé demander par radio à Kabarebe comment ça se passait à Bisesero. Il a dit : "Quelles nouvelles ?" Il a aussi demandé à Kabarebe si les massacres avaient réussi » déclare James Munyandinda, lequel, en tant que garde du corps accompagnait partout le dirigeant du FPR. Et ce n'est pas tout : selon lui, Kabarebe a réclamé à Charles Kayonga un rapport de situation pour Bisesero. Il a entendu Kabarebe prononcer le mot - « abatabazi », c’est-à-dire « intervenants » en kinyarwanda, le mot de code pour commando. D’après Munyandinda, Kabarebe s’est également enquis du nombre de personnes massacrées et Kayonga a répondu en disant que tout se déroulait « sans accroc ».<br /> <br /> Si Kabarebe et Kayonga ont organisé l’infiltration des bandes de tueurs à Bisesero, et ailleurs au Rwanda, les autres témoins affirment que le plan fût conçu et coordonné par deux des plus habiles et hauts dignitaires de l'entourage de Kagamé : il s'agirait de Kayumba Nyamwasa et Emmanuel Karenzi Karake. Nyamwasa était alors le chef de la Direction du renseignement militaire (DMI pour Directorate of Military Intelligence) et Karake l’officier de liaison du FPR avec la Minuar (la Mission des Nations-Unies pour l'assistance au Rwanda) et le Neutral Military Observation Group (GOMN) de l’OUA (Organisation de l’Unité Africaine) avant le génocide. Les rapports de Karake avec l’UNAMIR et le GOMN lui donnaient un accès privilégié à la capitale et aux provinces, lui permettant ainsi de collecter des renseignements, de superviser l’infiltration de l’ensemble du pays, de recruter de nouveaux membres, de fomenter le sabotage et d’organiser les crimes.<br /> <br /> Toutefois James Munyandinda dit ne pas penser que Nyamwasa fût impliqué dans l’organisation des commandos FPR et la décision de les infiltrer parmi les milices hutues. En tout cas, il ne dispose d'aucune preuve tangible établissant que Nyamwasa ait joué un rôle dans le massacre des Tutsis à Bisesero. Il insiste sur le fait que l’opération était chapeautée par le Haut Commandement du FPR sous l’autorité de Kagamé et supervisée par Kabarebe et Kayonga. « Je n’ai aucune preuve qu’en tant que chef du DMI, Nyamwasa ait eu affaire avec le réseau des commandos. Les massacres des Tutsis à Biserero et ailleurs au Rwanda ont été organisés par le Haut Commandement, qui a supervisé beaucoup d’autres opérations spéciales », insiste-t-il.<br /> <br /> Les cadres politiques<br /> Les cadres civils du FPR, appelés « abakada », travaillaient sur le terrain avec les responsables hutus de divers partis d’opposition comme le PL, le PSD et le MDR pour assurer l’infiltration des milices hutues. D’après les témoignages, ces responsables facilitaient la fabrication de fausses cartes d’identité hutue ainsi que de fausses cartes de membre du MRND pour les commandos.<br /> <br /> D’après les soldats interrogés, les cadres supérieurs du FPR qui supervisèrent les opérations de Bisesero étaient de la préfecture de Kibuye. Dans les mois précédant le génocide, ces cadres tutsis stockèrent des grenades et des armes traditionnelles chez eux et convainquirent d’autres Tutsis d’en faire autant.<br /> <br /> Selon les témoins toujours, l’effectif des commandos déployés au Rwanda atteignait plusieurs milliers. Ils comprenaient des membres tutsis du FPR se faisant passer pour des Hutus et des Hutus recrutés pour suivre une formation commando par des cadres de leur ethnie mais opposés au gouvernement Habyarimana. C’est parce qu’ils voulaient affaiblir le gouvernement Habyarimana sur le terrain, comme aux yeux de la communauté internationale, que ces représentants de l’opposition participèrent à cette infiltration, main dans la main avec le FPR, même si on ne peut vraiment établir que ces opposants hutus étaient complètement avertis de la stratégie visant à l’extermination.<br /> <br /> Les Tutsis de l’intérieur, c'est-à-dire ceux vivant au Rwanda par opposition à ceux qui grandirent comme réfugiés en Ouganda, au Burundi, au Congo et en Tanzanie, furent sacrifiés sur l’autel des vastes ambitions du FPR. « Kagamé s’est servi des Tutsis de l’intérieur comme d’une passerelle pour atteindre le pouvoir. Il a tué les Tutsis puis a fait tout son possible pour convaincre le monde que les seuls responsables étaient les Hutus », déclare James Munyandinda.<br /> <br /> « Kagamé est bien vu du monde entier parce qu’il a fait croire qu’une majorité de Hutus a tué les Tutsis et que dans l’holocauste rwandais, il a été le défenseur des victimes. Mais nous savons tous ce qui s’est passé », déclare un autre témoin. « Kagamé joue encore cette carte aujourd’hui. Depuis toujours sa stratégie a été de conquérir le pouvoir et de devenir le leader du pays. »<br /> <br /> La préparation des tueurs<br /> Débutée en février 1992, la formation des commandos se termina en août 1993. Le FPR les entraîna secrètement par vagues, d’abord dans un endroit du nom de Kavu, au Nord du Rwanda, puis dans la vallée proche de Karama, au sein d’une bananeraie. « Ils tiraient, couraient, sautaient, un groupe après l’autre. Parfois 80 à la fois, parfois 200, ou même 300. » A la fin 1993, explique un officier supérieur, les commandos constituaient un groupe très important. Les soldats affirment que plusieurs milliers de jeunes hommes suivirent la formation commando et furent déployés à Kigali et dans tout le Rwanda en janvier 1994, prêts à agir après l’assassinat d’Habyarimana le 6 avril 1994. Cinq témoins au courant du détail de l’opération de Bisesero expliquent qu’un capitaine surnommé « Kiyago » était le chef des commandos de Kagamé. James Munyandinda précise : « Par radio, Kabarebe recevait matin et soir directement de Kiyago les rapports des activités sur le terrain. »<br /> <br /> Le capitaine Kiyago est cité comme l’auteur de crimes graves dans un rapport d’investigation confidentiel de l’ONU. Il est connu, parmi d’autres, pour avoir infiltré la milice hutue pour le compte du FPR et pour avoir directement participé à la tuerie des Tutsis. En 2008 il fut inculpé par un juge espagnol pour activités terroristes concernant des faits commis avant le génocide. En dépit de l’inculpation en Espagne et de l’enquête menée par le TPIR (Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda) Kiyago rejoignit la force de paix conjointe UN-Union Africaine au Darfour en tant que directeur des transports, de 2009 à 2011. Les anciens collègues de Kiyago le décrivent comme sadique et dangereux. « C’était quelqu’un prêt à n’importe quoi pour se mettre en avant et Kagamé s’est souvent servi de lui », dit un officier qui l'a connu lors des premiers combats communs dans l’armée de résistance nationale rebelle (National Resistance Army) de Yoweri Museweni, l'indéracinable président ougandais, ami et protecteur de Kagamé et du FPR. Kiyago, Godfrey Ntukayajemo de son vrai nom, appartient à l’ethnie hutue et a grandi à Kisoro dans la région Ouest de l’Ouganda, district de Rutiga, d’où est originaire Jack Nziza, longtemps responsable du renseignement militaire du Rwanda. Bien que hutu, Kiyago fut enrôlé dans l’armée rebelle de Museveni dans les années 1980 en même temps que de nombreux Tutsis rwandais en exil en Ouganda. A cause de son apparence et de son accent – « Il parlait comme ses cousins hutus de Ruhengeri (Nord-Ouest du Rwanda) », explique un officier supérieur, on le sélectionna pour infiltrer la milice Interahamwe. « Kiyago a dirigé les plus importantes missions du FPR. Il était toujours actif. »<br /> <br /> On le soupçonne de l’assassinat de Félicien Gatabazi, homme politique d’opposition Hutu, en 1994, crime qui encouragea la violence dans la montée vers le génocide, donnant un avant-goût du cauchemar à venir. Des témoignages le citent également comme ayant aidé à massacrer Lando Ndasingwa, sa femme Hélène Pinsky, une Canadienne, et leurs deux enfants une fois déclenché le génocide. Dès le premier jour en fait. Ministre tutsi du gouvernement de transition d'Habyarimana, Lando était le frère de Louise Mushikiwabo, devenue plus tard, en 2009, la ministre des Affaires étrangères de Kagamé et récemment promue, en 2018, secrétaire générale de la Francophonie.<br /> <br /> LIRE AUSSI<br /> LOUISE MUSHIKIWABO À L'OIF : "LA FRANCE S’EST SERVIE DE LA FRANCOPHONIE COMME D’UN JOUET"<br /> D’après plusieurs sources, Kiyago a été condamné pour avoir violé et tué une femme et sa fille alors que cette famille insistait pour récupérer sa maison qu’il avait confisquée après le génocide. Il fut condamné pour meurtre, fit un séjour en prison puis bénéficia d’une remise de peine et s’engagea comme soldat de la paix de l’ONU au Soudan. Le Globe and Mail, journal canadien, a publié en 2014 des enregistrements selon lesquels en 2011 on fit initialement appel à Kiyago pour assassiner les dissidents Kayumba Nyamwasa et Patrick Karegeya. Mais il ne fut finalement pas choisi, probablement à cause du mandat d’arrêt international lancé contre lui par l’Espagne.<br /> <br /> Ses anciens collègues, qui connaissent bien Kiyago, signalent sa page Facebook actuelle, sous le nom de Kiyago Godfery. On trouve sur son compte des photos où il saute en l’air avec des étrangers dans le parc Akagera du Rwanda, comme s’il était leur guide, ainsi que de paisibles photos de sa mère, de ses enfants, de quelques femmes dont il a été proche et aussi une photo de Kagamé avec son fils et sa fille en treillis militaire. Il y a également des photos simples de sa jeunesse et des portraits décontractés plus récents, à l’âge mûr. Il fait référence à sa période au Darfour comme chauffeur pour les Nations unies et affiche le truquage photo sanglant d’un homme masqué arrachant son cœur pour l’offrir à une femme. Une mention de 2018 dit : « Ce n’est que dans la nuit que l’on voit les étoiles », une variation d’une citation de Martin Luther King Jr.<br /> <br /> Kiyago semble également entretenir un compte Twitter dormant via lequel il remercie publiquement Kagamé pour ce qu’il a fait pour lui. Les tweets datent de 2011.<br /> <br /> @Godfreykiyago – 19 Août 2011<br /> <br /> Votre Excellence, encore moi, RTD Capt Kiyago, heureux de ce que vous faites pour le Rwanda et ce que vous avez fait pour moi. Votre Excellence je veux vous voir.<br /> <br /> @Godfreykiyago – 16 Août 2011<br /> Bonjour votre Excellence, RTD Capt Kiyago, je vous remercie de ce que vous avez fait pour moi. Je vous demande humblement un rendez-vous, le n° de téléphone est 0788xxxxxx merci.<br /> <br /> La France, bouc émissaire<br /> Une des allégations les plus virulentes issue des cendres du génocide rwandais a été lancée contre la France pour le rôle qu’auraient joué ses forces armées fin juin et juillet 1994 dans les préfectures du Sud-Ouest, Kibuye, Gikongoro, Cyangugu, dans le cadre de l’opération Turquoise, sous mandat humanitaire de l’ONU. Le Rwanda de Kagamé affirme que l’armée française a échoué à protéger les Tutsis de Bisesero, protégeant au contraire les criminels et se rendant coupable de complicité de génocide. La France, le seul pays à intervenir pour sauver des vies au Rwanda en 1994, a dénoncé ces accusations comme « monstrueuses ». Les soldats tutsis et les survivants qui m’ont confié leurs témoignages affirment que les accusations antifrançaises ne sont qu’une manœuvre transparente visant à faire diversion du rôle majeur du FPR dans le massacre des Tutsis. Et n'ont eu pour but, pendant des années, que d’amener la France à abandonner une instruction judiciaire sur le rôle du FPR dans l’assassinat de Habyrimana et le déclenchement du génocide.<br /> <br /> En décembre 2018, le juge Jean-Marc Herbaut a prononcé un non-lieu à l’égard des chefs du FPR pour cause d’insuffisance de preuves. Les avocats des parties civiles, parmi lesquelles des membres des familles de l’équipage de l’avion abattu lors de l’attentat, prévoient de faire appel.<br /> <br /> Le vice-amiral Marin Gillier faisait partie d’une équipe des forces spéciales françaises chargée de trouver des survivants et de les mettre à l’abri sous la responsabilité de l’opération Turquoise. Le 24 juin, aux premiers jours de leur arrivée au Rwanda, ils effectuèrent une reconnaissance dans un camp de transit hutu à Kirambo et dans des villages du Kibuye proches de Bisesero. « On est tombé sur des personnes qui étaient traumatisées parce que les gens mouraient de sévices, de faim, de peur, de maladie. On voyait des maux partout. »<br /> <br /> Le 27 juin, lors d’un déplacement à Gishyita, au Nord-Ouest de Bisesero, les villageois expliquèrent aux soldats français que le FPR avait entièrement infiltré les collines de Kibuye et « essayaient de couper le pays en deux ». Mais Marin Gillier, capitaine de frégate à ce moment-là, ne savait quoi conclure de ces informations. Néanmoins, il fit un rapport de cette infiltration présumée par le FPR et fit officiellement état de ses observations devant une commission parlementaire en juin 1998. « A longueur de journée, les gens nous racontaient toutes sortes d’histoires, il y en avait sûrement qui étaient vraies et beaucoup qui étaient fausses. La difficulté était de savoir qui voulait nous manipuler, pourquoi et quelle était la vérité. »<br /> <br /> Les forces françaises commencèrent à progresser plus loin vers l’Est, 5 km en direction des collines de Bisesero et entendirent ce qui semblait être des tirs d’artillerie. Le capitaine de frégate Gillier en informa son chef sur le terrain, le colonel Jacques Rosier. Le mandat du conseil de sécurité de l’ONU pour l’opération Turquoise stipulait clairement que l’armée française ne devait en aucun cas engager le combat sur le terrain ; elle était là pour protéger les civils, si nécessaire en faisant usage de la force, mais avait l’interdiction d’affronter le FPR ou d’apporter de l’aide à l’armée d’Habyarimana. Pour Marin Gillier, il était de toute façon évident à cet instant que son équipe « ne disposait pas des effectifs ni des soutiens qui permettaient d’intervenir de façon efficace ». Pour s’interposer et sauver des vies au milieu de la zone de conflit, ils n’avaient pas d’autre choix que d’attendre l’appoint d’hélicoptères d’attaque, armés de canons. Selon lui, il n’y eut jamais d’hésitation de la part des forces françaises, ou du commandant en chef de l’opération Turquoise, le général Jean-Claude Lafourcade, sur le fait de sauver des Tutsis à Biserereo ou ailleurs au Rwanda. Ils firent d'ailleurs immédiatement mouvement à l’arrivée des hélicoptères et des autres renforts.<br /> <br /> « C’est la mission la plus importante de ma vie »<br /> <br /> Le militaire n’oubliera jamais les souffrances intolérables dont il fut le témoin en entrant dans les collines de Bisesero le 30 Juin 1994. « Ça m’a détruit », dit Marin Gillier, qui vit au sol des centaines de cadavres, certains brûlés à la grenade et plusieurs gonflés ou en décomposition, c'est-à-dire tués plusieurs jours plus tôt. « Nous avons vu des survivants qui sortaient tout juste de l’horreur. Ils étaient prostrés, épuisés et ils avaient froid. J’ai vu un bébé qui tétait le sein de sa mère et la mère qui n’avait plus de tête (…) Une petite fille est venue me parler. Elle était debout devant moi. Le sommet de sa tête arrivait à peu près au niveau de ma ceinture. Elle n’avait plus d’os sur son crâne. Je voyais son cerveau et elle me parlait. » Les soldats français prirent soin des blessés. « On s’est dépêché de les rassembler, les protéger, les couvrir, les nourrir, les rassurer et leur donner la protection médicale. » On estime à 800 les Tutsis sauvés par l’armée française dans les collines de Bisesero en 1994. « C’est la mission la plus importante de ma vie », estime Marin Gillier qui a également servi en Afghanistan, en Somalie et dans les Balkans.<br /> <br /> Malgré le secours et l’aide apportés à des milliers de villageois dans tout le Sud-Ouest du Rwanda, l’armée française et les responsables ayant servi sous François Mitterrand sont en proie à une cabale menée par des journalistes français, des chercheurs, des activistes et des lobbyistes. Un certain nombre de ces individus ont construit leur carrière sur le commerce du récit officiel du génocide, selon lequel les seuls acteurs des violences de 1994 étaient les Hutus et Kagamé, l'homme qui mit un terme à l'horreur. Premier journaliste occidental à avoir fait le récit des crimes et de la propagande du FPR, Pierre Péan a démontré comment les Tutsis sauvés par l’armée française ont initialement réagi avec joie et gratitude en 1994 mais ont plus tard accusé les Français d’avoir protégé les criminels hutus. Péan a également mis en évidence les contradictions et les incohérences du compte-rendu plein d’émotion du journaliste Patrick de Saint-Exupéry. En 2015, lors de l’enquête judiciaire en France, il a indiqué comment le FPR avait infiltré Kibuye avant les massacres de Bisesero. Il a expliqué que le FPR avait une base logistique sur la rive du lac Kivu, la faisant passer pour une clinique, et transportait des armes de la base du FPR à Kigali, le CND, à Kibuye avant l’arrivée des forces françaises à Bisesero.<br /> <br /> James Munyandinda déclare que malgré la propagande de Kigali, les Rwandais sont reconnaissants envers les militaires français de l’opération Turquoise. « Kagamé a tenté de diaboliser l’armée française et prétend que ses soldats ont échoué à sauver les Tutsis. Mais ce sont des milliers de gens que l’armée française a sauvés des tueurs, de la milice hutue et du réseau des commandos de Kagamé. Nombre de Rwandais voient les militaires français comme des héros. »<br /> <br /> Les survivants tutsis<br /> Plusieurs sources affirment que les civils tutsis victimes des violences du FPR et sauvés par des voisins hutus, des prêtres ou l’armée de Habyarimana pendant le génocide, ne peuvent raconter leur histoire parce qu’ils craignent d’être assassinés au Rwanda ou pourchassés à l’étranger par les agents de Kagamé. Ils ont choisi au contraire de se taire ou accepté de mentir pour protéger leur famille et, dans bien des cas, profiter de privilèges : emplois, visas ou accès à l’éducation. J’ai rencontré une femme terrorisée à l’idée de dire ce qui s’est passé dans son village, aux alentours de Bisesero, pendant le génocide et après. D’accord pour raconter son histoire, elle insiste pour ne pas nommer ceux qui l’ont sauvée ni où elle s’est cachée afin que le FPR ne puisse l’identifier et s’en prendre à elle et sa famille. Elle rapporte comment un prêtre hutu - elle le considère comme un saint - l’a abritée, elle et d’autres Tutsis alors que des hordes de crapules hutus se livraient à leurs exactions. « Nous ne savions pas d’où venaient ces bandits… Ils sont arrivés comme des sauterelles et se sont mélangés aux Hutus locaux », dit-elle. Plus tard, elle et d’autres Tutsis furent protégés et nourris par la gendarmerie d'Habyarimana. « Là où j’étais, personne n’a été violé ou menacé par les gendarmes, les militaires ou les autorités du gouvernement », explique-t-elle. Des semaines plus tard, la gendarmerie la ramena à son village où les forces françaises la secoururent fin juin. « Les soldats français n’ont jamais abandonné les Tutsis. Ils m’ont secourue et bien d’autres encore. Chaque fois qu’on leur a dit qu’un Tutsi se cachait, ils allaient le chercher. Ils ont pris au sérieux tout ce qu’on leur disait sur notre situation. » Cette femme affirme également qu’elle a vu les Français désarmer et arrêter les brigands hutus et les miliciens chaque fois qu’ils ont pu. Fin juillet 1994, l’armée française la remit avec d’autres Tutsis à une ONG française dont le personnel les transféra ensuite dans une zone contrôlée par le FPR. Et c’est là que l’impensable se produisit : les femmes furent séparées des hommes et amenées dans une maison où elles furent violées par les officiers du FPR. « J’ai entendu des filles et des femmes hurler la nuit… Quiconque résistait était tuée le lendemain. » Cette femme s’est enfuie dans la forêt, a fuit le Rwanda pour le Burundi et vit maintenant à l’étranger.<br /> <br /> Un Tutsi du nom de Léonard, aujourd’hui en exil, a perdu la plupart de sa famille à Bisesero, « Après que le FPR a pris le contrôle de cette zone, ils ont continué à tuer les survivants. Après la guerre, les gens du FPR étaient pleins d’arrogance. Dans les bars, ils parlaient de ce qu’ils avaient fait, de combien de Tutsis avaient été tués. » Actuellement, de nombreux Tutsis savent que le FPR a exterminé leur famille mais sont contraints au silence. « Les Tutsis de l’intérieur sont désespérés. Beaucoup d’entre nous sont condamnés par ce régime. Nous devons coopérer ou mourir. »<br /> <br /> LIRE AUSSI<br /> ATTENTAT CONTRE HABYARIMANA ET GÉNOCIDE RWANDAIS : DÉCONSTRUCTION D'UNE CONSPIRATION<br /> ‌<br /> Puisque vous êtes là...<br /> … on aimerait vous dire un dernier mot. Vous êtes toujours plus nombreux à lire Marianne sur le web, et nous nous en réjouissons. Pour nous aider à garder notre liberté de ton et notre exigence journalistique, votre soutien est précieux. En vous abonnant par exemple, vous aurez accès à l’intégralité des contenus mais aussi à un espace de débat premium, réservé à nos abonnés, le tout sur un site débarrassé de toute publicité. 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Toute l’équipe Marianne vous remercie !<br /> <br /> JE M'ABONNE NOUS SOUTENIR<br /> <br /> par Judi Rever<br /> @JudiRever<br /> RWANDA<br /> <br /> 59 Commentaires<br /> <br /> AUJOURD'HUI SUR ACCUEIL<br /> La raffinerie de La Mède fait partie des sites pétroliers touchés par la grève depuis le 5 décembre.<br /> Dans Mon Automobile<br /> Carburant : l'impact de la grève dans les raffineries et stations-service<br /> Alors que la grève a touché plusieurs raffineries depuis le 5 décembre, Marianne fait le point sur l'état du mouvement et ses conséquences.<br /> <br /> Les routiers protestent contre la hausse de 2 centimes de leurs taxes sur le gazole dans le projet de loi de finances pour 2020, le 7 décembre 2019, à Toulouse.<br /> Retraites et hausses de salaires : les routiers envisagent de nouveaux blocages dans les prochaines semaines<br /> L'enquête sur les conditions d'élection de l’actuel maire d'Ajaccio, Laurent Marcangeli, en 2014, pourrait venir perturber la prochaine campagne municipale.<br /> Info Marianne<br /> Fausses procurations et suspicions d’achat de voix : l’enquête se poursuit sur les conditions d'élection du maire d’Ajaccio<br /> La chambre de l’Instruction de la Cour d’Appel de Bastia a ordonné la poursuite de l'enquête contre l'actuel maire d'Ajaccio.<br /> <br /> Cette volonté orwellienne de faire de l'université un cocon moelleux à l'abri des réalités du monde...<br /> TW<br /> Ces étudiants fragiles qu'on cajole à coups de "trigger warning"<br /> La vie est dure, très dure. Trop dure ?<br /> <br /> Une survivante des massacres de Bisesero posant devant un ossuaire.<br /> Enquête<br /> Rwanda : révélations sur les massacres de Bisesero<br /> Des témoins livrent de nouveaux éléments sur un épisode clef du génocide rwandais.<br /> <br /> Photo : Instagram @vinnyohh<br /> Bienvenue En Absurdie<br /> Les ravages de la chirurgie esthétique<br /> Aujourd'hui le détour par le bloc opératoire vise à mettre au pas le corps pour satisfaire tous les caprices.<br /> <br /> Didier Guillaume et Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne rêvent tous les deux de la mairie de Biarritz. Problème : ils font partie du même gouvernement...<br /> Absurdie<br /> Municipales : deux ministres candidats à Biarritz, l’histoire de Noël "lunaire" du gouvernement<br /> A de très rares exceptions près, la retraite par point ne fait... que des gagnants !<br /> Enfumage<br /> ​Réforme des retraites : le simulateur du gouvernement qui vous donne (presque) toujours gagnant<br /> Dans le cadre des violences conjugales, 80% des plaintes sont classées sans suites.<br /> Violences Conjugales<br /> "C’est fait pour nous protéger, mais ça peut nous isoler davantage" : victimes et associations divisées sur la levée du secret médical<br /> "Ce matin, mon téléphone est en voie d’implosion de messages de tristesse, mais c’est comme cela​", regrette Isabelle Balkany.<br /> Levallois<br /> Isabelle Balkany : "Patrick m'a dit : 'on ne va pas laisser la Ville à des cons !'"<br /> "Ce matin, mon téléphone est en voie d’implosion de messages de tristesse, mais c’est comme cela​", regrette Isabelle Balkany.<br /> <br /> Depuis 2017, l’emballement de l’immobilier est total en France.<br /> Economie<br /> Crédit immobilier : les taux bas feront-ils sauter votre banque ?<br /> Depuis 2017, l’emballement de l’immobilier est total en France.<br /> <br /> Heureusement, un jour, se prononcera la justice, la vraie. Aussi imparfaite soit-elle, elle tâchera de le faire. Avec subtilité.<br /> Affaire<br /> Accusations d'Adèle Haenel contre Christophe Ruggia : la contre-enquête<br /> Le gouvernement a promis le déblocage d'une enveloppe de 10 milliards d'euros de revalorisation... d'ici 2037.<br /> Impasse<br /> "Il n'y a rien à négocier" : la frustration des syndicats enseignants face à la réforme des retraites<br /> Patrick Buisson (ici en octobre 2012) prépare le lancement d'un think tank politique et un nouveau livre.<br /> Le Revenant<br /> "2022 : le peuple contre Macron ?" : Patrick Buisson prépare sa propre convention de la droite<br /> SUR LE VIF<br /> <br /> Alerte rouge : la CFDT "va potentiellement proposer aux citoyens de se mobiliser" contre la réforme des retraites<br /> <br /> Procès France Télécom : l'entreprise et ses ex-dirigeants condamnés pour "harcèlement moral institutionnel"<br /> <br /> Meurtre de Sarah Halimi : pas de procès pour le suspect, jugé pénalement irresponsable<br /> <br /> Le parquet de Paris ouvre une enquête préliminaire visant Jean-Paul Delevoye<br /> <br /> "Gilets jaunes" : le premier policier jugé à Paris pour violences condamné à deux mois avec sursis<br /> <br /> Les gilets jaunes ? Fastoch' pour Ségolène Royal : elle aurait désamorcé la crise en 24 heures<br /> <br /> Dépités par la raideur d’Edouard Philippe, les syndicats préparent déjà la bataille parlementaire<br /> <br /> Entre immunité et destitution, la journée en montagnes russes des indépendantistes catalans<br /> Tandis que la Cour supérieure de justice de Catalogne a destitué Quim Torra, le président de la Généralitat, pour "désobéissance", la justice européenne a confirmé l'immunité de l'indépendantiste catalan Oriol Junqueras ce jeudi 1...<br /> <br /> <br /> Info Marianne : les Balkany renoncent à se représenter à Levallois en 2020<br /> <br /> L'ère de l'aspirine et du paracétamol en libre-service en pharmacie est terminée<br /> <br /> Chez LR, on veut la fin des régimes particuliers de retraite... sauf celui des sénateurs !<br /> DÉBATTONS!<br /> <br /> BILLETS<br /> L'affaire Delevoye, Macron et la désinvolture d'un président qui refuse de protéger la Constitution<br /> <br /> ÉDITOS<br /> Royaume-Uni : ces obstinés d'Anglais qui souhaitent encore rester maîtres de leur destin<br /> premium<br /> <br /> TRIBUNES<br /> "Emmanuel Macron, vous avez le devoir de sauver Alstom !" : l'appel de 32 polytechniciens pour l'industrie française<br /> <br /> BILLETS<br /> Gênant : ces médias français qui se plaisaient à annoncer la chute du méchant Johnson<br /> <br /> ÉDITOS<br /> S'attaquer à la retraite plutôt qu'à la relance de l'emploi, c'est mettre la charrue avant les bœufs<br /> premium<br /> RETRAITES : À QUELLE SAUCE SERONS-NOUS MANGÉS ?<br /> <br /> TEST<br /> Simulateurs de retraite : combien allez-vous perdre ?<br /> DÉBATTONS !<br /> Retraites : Macron au pied du mur face à ces Gaulois réfractaires<br /> <br /> TADAM !<br /> Au revoir les régimes spéciaux… bonjour les réformes spéciales<br /> <br /> ENTRETIEN<br /> Adrien Quatennens : sur les retraites, "Macron prépare une rupture historique"<br /> <br /> GRISE ÉMINENCE<br /> La "clause du grand-père", encore une riche idée… d'Alain Minc<br /> DÉCOUVRIR<br /> <br /> PATRIMOINE<br /> Marcel Pagnol le mal-aimé<br /> LITTÉRATURE<br /> L'art du pastiche : imiter, c'est aussi admirer !<br /> AIR DU TEMPS<br /> Séries : 30 ans, l'âge déraison<br /> ART<br /> Expo : Le Greco, sueurs de suaire et désir de Christ<br /> LITTÉRATURE<br /> Rencontre avec James Ellroy, le tempétueux romancier<br /> DÉBATTONS!<br /> <br /> TRIBUNES<br /> "Le CETA ne peut être appliqué sans la consultation du Parlement !" : 110 députés demandent sa suspension<br /> <br /> BILLETS<br /> Triomphe du Brexit aux législatives : rule, Britannia !<br /> <br /> ÉDITOS<br /> Retraites : le pouvoir ne dispose que des armes qu'on lui offre<br /> <br /> ÉDITOS<br /> Jusqu'où nous mènera le toboggan de la réforme des retraites ?<br /> <br /> TRIBUNES<br /> Violence de la répression contre le mouvement social : la justice première responsable<br /> <br /> Forum des Mariannautes<br /> Parce que le débat n'est pas réservé qu'aux experts ou aux journalistes, la parole est aussi aux lecteurs.<br /> <br /> Section suivante<br /> Politique<br /> Version classique<br /> marfeel logo<br /> Foire aux questions<br /> Mentions légales<br /> Gestion des cookies<br /> Charte des commentaires et du débat<br /> Postuler à un stage<br /> Contacter la rédaction<br /> Faire un don à Marianne<br /> Contacter le service abonnement<br /> Ecrire au courrier des lecteurs<br /> S'abonner au flux RSS<br /> Contacter le service pub<br /> Fréquentation certifiée<br /> <br /> 6' <br /> ‌<br /> DANS MON AUTOMOBILE<br /> Carburant : l'impact de la grève dans les raffineries et stations-service<br /> Par Sébastien Grob<br /> Publié le 21/12/2019 à 20:25<br /> La grève contre la réforme des retraites a touché plusieurs raffineries depuis le 5 décembre. Alors que l'inquiétude grandit autour d'une possible pénurie de carburant, Marianne fait le point sur l'état du mouvement et ses conséquences.<br /> Une pénurie d'essence pour Noël ? L'inquiétude est montée ces derniers jours, alors que plusieurs raffineries sont touchées par le mouvement de grève contre la réforme des retraites enclenché le 5 décembre. Des internautes ont signalé des stations-services en rupture de stock, nourrissant des cartes collaboratives peu fiables. Une bataille de communication s'est engagée entre les syndicats et le gouvernement : alors que "la pénurie est déjà là" selon la CGT, l'approvisionnement "continue d’être assuré normalement" d'après le ministère de la Transition écologique. Marianne vous décrypte la réalité du mouvement et ses conséquences.<br /> <br /> Quelle est l'ampleur de la mobilisation ?<br /> Six à sept raffineries ont été touchées par le mouvement depuis le 5 décembre, sur les huit installées en France métropolitaine. La plupart ont cessé le travail de façon intermittente, avec des préavis de grève de 24 ou 72 heures. Les salariés ont convergé lors des grandes journées de mobilisation : cinq sites (Feyzin, Donges, Grandpuits, La Mède et Fos-sur-Mer) étaient par exemple en grève le 17 décembre, comme nous l'ont confirmé leurs opérateurs Total et Esso. Une liste à laquelle il faut ajouter la raffinerie de Lavéra, en région marseillaise, selon Force Ouvrière (FO) : "Une majorité de salariés y ont cessé le travail mardi et mercredi", affirme Jeff Vapillon, secrétaire fédéral de la branche pétrole. Également annoncée par la CGT, la grève sur ce site n'a pas été confirmée par le gestionnaire Petroineos, qui a refusé de répondre aux questions de Marianne.<br /> <br /> Seules les raffineries de Grandpuits et de La Mède sont en grève continue depuis le 5 décembre. La première est la plus petite de France par sa capacité de production (8% du total national en 2016), mais sa position la rend cruciale : seule installation présente en Île-de-France, elle alimente les dépôts et stations-service de la région parisienne. Le site de La Mède a quant à lui une importance réduite dans le réseau pétrolier depuis sa reconversion achevée en juillet dernier. Il ne produit plus d'essence classique mais du biocarburant, surtout utilisé comme additif d'autres produits.<br /> <br /> Une seule raffinerie n'est jamais entrée dans le mouvement, celle de Gravenchon en Normandie. Le site de Gonfreville, le plus important de France (20% de la production nationale), était mobilisé jusqu'au 14 décembre, quand un incendie a causé d'importants dégâts sur les installations. "La raffinerie continue de fonctionner partiellement et les expéditions de produits sont assurées", a déclaré Total.<br /> <br /> Plusieurs dépôts pétroliers ont également été touchés par le mouvement selon l'Union française des industries pétrolières (Ufip). Parmi eux figure le site de Fos-sur-Mer, qui alimente les raffineries et les stations-services de la région marseillaise en pétrole brut et en carburant.<br /> <br /> LIRE AUSSI<br /> DÉPITÉS PAR LA RAIDEUR D’EDOUARD PHILIPPE, LES SYNDICATS PRÉPARENT DÉJÀ LA BATAILLE PARLEMENTAIRE<br /> Quel est l'impact de la grève sur l'activité des raffineries ?<br /> Les installations continuent à convertir le pétrole brut en carburant pendant les grèves. "Toutes les raffineries tournent, aucune n’est à l’arrêt", affirme ainsi Total, qui gère cinq des huit sites en France. Mais l'essence et le gazole ne sont plus acheminés vers l'extérieur : "Les transferts par camion et par pipeline sont bloqués, car il n'y a plus suffisamment de salariés qualifiés pour réaliser ces opérations", explique le syndicaliste FO Jeff Vapillon. Les entreprises peuvent s'adapter en partie lorsque la grève n'est pas continue. "Nous avons avancé les expéditions les jours de grève, grâce à une dérogation qui nous a permis d'ouvrir les dépôts à minuit", raconte à Marianne une représentante d'Esso, qui gère les sites de Fos-sur-Mer et de Gravenchon.<br /> <br /> Y a-t-il une pénurie dans certaines stations-essence ?<br /> Plus surMarianne<br /> Les routiers protestent contre la hausse de 2 centimes de leurs taxes sur le gazole dans le projet de loi de finances pour 2020, le 7 décembre 2019, à Toulouse.<br /> Retraites et hausses de salaires : les routiers envisagent de nouveaux blocages dans les prochaines semaines <br /> L'enquête sur les conditions d'élection de l’actuel maire d'Ajaccio, Laurent Marcangeli, en 2014, pourrait venir perturber la prochaine campagne municipale.<br /> Fausses procurations et suspicions d’achat de voix : l’enquête se poursuit sur les conditions d'élection du maire d’Ajaccio <br /> Cette volonté orwellienne de faire de l'université un cocon moelleux à l'abri des réalités du monde...<br /> Ces étudiants fragiles qu'on cajole à coups de "trigger warning" <br /> Une survivante des massacres de Bisesero posant devant un ossuaire.<br /> Rwanda : révélations sur les massacres de Bisesero <br /> Photo : Instagram @vinnyohh<br /> Les ravages de la chirurgie esthétique<br /> Selon l'Ufip, 2% des stations-essence souffraient d'une pénurie sur au moins un type de carburant ce vendredi. Un chiffre en légère hausse depuis le début de la semaine. "Cela s'explique par la perturbation du transport : les camions doivent aller chercher l'essence dans un autre dépôt quand celui de la raffinerie est fermé, ce qui retarde l'acheminement", explique un représentant du syndicat pétrolier auprès de Marianne. En région parisienne, la grève des transports est un facteur aggravant : "Les camions mettent plus de temps à livrer et desservent moins de stations quand ils doivent traverser 600 kilomètres de bouchons", analyse Emmanuel Lépine, le secrétaire général de la branche pétrole de la CGT.<br /> <br /> Une autre explication avancée est l'anticipation d'une possible pénurie par les automobilistes. "Certaines personnes qui n'ont pas un besoin absolu de faire le plein passent à la station-service par crainte de ne plus y trouver d'essence plus tard. Les fournisseurs se retrouvent face à un surcroît de demande qu'ils ne pouvaient pas anticiper", développe Francis Perrin, directeur de recherche à l'Institut de relations internationales et stratégiques (Iris). Mais si ces pleins de précaution "peuvent expliquer que certaines stations déjà fragilisées se retrouvent en difficulté", ils ne peuvent être considérés comme "la seule explication" des pénuries locales selon ce spécialiste du pétrole.<br /> <br /> Quelles sont les réserves de carburant disponibles ?<br /> Les capacités de stockage de produits finis en France représentent près de 28 millions de mètres cubes, soit environ cinq mois et demi de consommation nationale. Mais 15% de ces réserves sont conservées à l'intérieur des raffineries, et sont inaccessibles en cas de grève. Le reste est abrité par environ 200 dépôts disséminés sur le territoire. Une partie de ces stocks est dite "stratégique" : elle répond à une obligation légale de conserver l'équivalent de 29,5% des produits consommés l'année précédente, afin de faire face à une éventuelle crise pétrolière. Une entité spécifique, la Société anonyme de gestion de stocks de sécurité (Sagess), gère les trois quarts de ces réserves stratégiques dans des entrepôts dédiés.<br /> <br /> Le gouvernement comme l'Ufip assurent que ces stocks rendent très improbables une pénurie de grande ampleur. Les réserves stratégiques ont déjà été débloquées depuis le début des grèves selon François Duseux, le président du syndicat pétrolier : "Chaque fois qu'il y a eu un conflit de ce genre-là on les utilise, il y a beaucoup de flexibilité de la part du gouvernement", expliquait-il le 11 décembre. Mais ce recours aux stocks de secours est trop précoce pour être rassurant selon Jeff Vapillon. "On n'attaque pas les stocks Sagess aussi tôt dans un mouvement social d'habitude, affirme le secrétaire fédéral de FO. C'est le signe qu'il y a un vrai problème".<br /> <br /> LIRE AUSSI<br /> RETRAITES : LE GOUVERNEMENT GUETTE L'ESSOUFFLEMENT DU MOUVEMENT<br /> ‌<br /> Puisque vous êtes là...<br /> … on aimerait vous dire un dernier mot. Vous êtes toujours plus nombreux à lire Marianne sur le web, et nous nous en réjouissons. Pour nous aider à garder notre liberté de ton et notre exigence journalistique, votre soutien est précieux. En vous abonnant par exemple, vous aurez accès à l’intégralité des contenus mais aussi à un espace de débat premium, réservé à nos abonnés, le tout sur un site débarrassé de toute publicité. Vous pouvez aussi nous soutenir par un don défiscalisé. Toute l’équipe Marianne vous remercie !<br /> <br /> JE M'ABONNE NOUS SOUTENIR<br /> GRÈVEÉCONOMIERETRAITE<br /> <br /> Commentaires<br /> <br /> Version classique<br /> marfeel logo<br /> Foire aux questions<br /> Mentions légales<br /> Gestion des cookies<br /> Charte des commentaires et du débat<br /> Postuler à un stage<br /> Contacter la rédaction<br /> Faire un don à Marianne<br /> Contacter le service abonnement<br /> Ecrire au courrier des lecteurs<br /> S'abonner au flux RSS<br /> Contacter le service pub<br /> Fréquentation certifiée<br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> SUIVANT
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“Nshobora kugira intege nke zo gukora ibyo mwanshinze ariko noneho iyo hiyongereye ho ko buri munsi ngomba kujya nsimbuka imitego nk’itanu mbere yo gukora akazi mwampaye, birangira akazi kabaye gusimbuka imitego ukayoberwa igihe tuzakorera akazi.”<br /> <br /> AHA ARAVUGA KO AHORA ASIMBUKA AHO GUKORA.<br /> <br /> “Ni ukuvuga ngo kwa kubaha amahame n’ibyemezo by’umuryango, n’icyemezo cyanyu nyakubahwa Chairman, iyo mugiriye icyizere umuntu mukamuha inshingano, umunyamuryango wese ugambiriye kumutega umutego, yibwira ko ari guhemukira uwo ateze umutego ariko namwe aba abahemukira.”<br /> <br /> AHA ARI KUREGANA NGO BABAMBE ABAMUTEGA IMITEGO.<br /> <br />  “Maze imyaka itandatu mpawe akazi n’Umuryango guhera mu Nteko Ishinga Amategeko, mu itorero ry’igihugu, ubu mukaba mwarangiriye icyizere mukangira Umunyamabanga wa Leta. Hari ibintu nabonye ko byasigara mu 2019, ntabwo abanyamuryango dukundana.”<br /> <br /> AREMEZA KO MURI MAFIA FPR TERRORIST GROUP BARI KURYANA!!<br /> <br /> Yewe FPR yarapfuye.hasigaye IGITURO
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IYO URI AHARI KUBERA GUERILLA HAKABA AGAHENGE NKAKA TURIMO UGIRANGO INTAMBARA YARANGIYE (UTI ABARWANAGA BATSINZWE) ARIKO UBA WIBESHA KUKO UWATANGIJE GUERILLA AYIRANGIZA AKWIRENGEJE ,BURIGIHE GUERILLA IGIRA AGAHENGE MURICO GIHE ABARWANYI BABA BARI KWISUGANYA BATEGEREJE KONGERA KUGABA IBINDI BITERO NONEHO BIKAZE (TWABIBONYE MU NTAMBARA Y,INKOTANYI N,IYABACENGEZI ) UBWO RERO ABAYOBOKE BA FPR NTIMWISHIME KUKO UMUKINO URACYAKOMEJE !
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IRYAMUKURU RIRATINDA NTIRIHERA. BAMPORA IKI UBANZA IBYO NYINA YAMUBWIYE BISOHOYE.<br /> <br /> MUKURUKIRE UKUKINO HAGATI Y AMABANDI N ABACUKURA TOILETS.<br /> <br /> Bampora iki se Uzaba INKOTANYI kurusha KAYUMBA cg KAREGYEYA? Gerageza. Ubaze EVODE arakubwira ko uri IGICUCU!<br /> <br /> <br /> MWIYIMVIRE:<br /> <br /> <br /> https://rugali.com/ijambo-rya-mukuru-riratinda-ntirihera-ibyo-nyina-wa-bamporiki-yamubwiye-atangiye-kubibona/
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Yigize imvugavuzi. Inkotanyi zikunda ibintu bivuga bikavuga nabanyina. Harya uyu si umwe wavuze ko Nyina yanga Abatutsi!! Akamutaranga imbere ya Abantu no kuri TVR? Ubu nyina aramubona ati: Narakubwiye. <br /> <br /> Mumbwire aho IMBWA YURIYE IGITI! Iyo myanya baguha hari ABANA BABATUTSI barwaniye cg babuze byose BAWIFUZA!! Ikibazo wowe uziko kuba UZI KURUGOMBWA nka EVODE watangiye kwita bene wabo IBICUCU baba BABONYE UBUCUCU bwanyu MASIKINI. <br /> <br /> Niba SG wa FPR uvuga yakugize icyo uricyo, yaraguhamagaje ati: Hari abantu bashaka IRYO TAKO, INAMA NAKUGIRA (Nuko akarenze umunwa...) NUKO UBA UTAJE KUBWEJAGURA aho uvuga ibyo abantu bakurega. BYOSE WABYISHE ubwo wishyize hanze. <br /> <br /> GUSA NTACYO USOHOJE UBUHANUZI BWA NYOKO (Ese yitwande Nyoko wawe TADEYO - BAMPORA IKI)?<br /> <br /> Urajya i Budage ukavuga Abana b ibikomangoma bicaye, ururira amadege ba IBINGIRA bafunze kubera MANDA z ABAZUNGU, ba KABAREBE ntibabona uko bajya KWIVOMESHA BYA SIDA (HIV) wowe uri kwidagadura MUMARASO ya RWIGEMA na BUNYENYEZI warangiza UTI: Ndigusimba IMITEGO! Uri ni umuhanga ye.<br /> <br /> ARIKO WAFASHIJE ba INGABIRE, ba NTAGANDA, ba BONIFACE TWAGIRIMANA nabo BAGASIMBA iyo MITEGO!! URIRIWE NTURAYE. Uwo mwanya se SEZIBERA nabonye wabaye PARALYSED bawumuhaye yawanga!!! Tuzakwibuka mumateka kuko BIKINDI yaraguhanuye nuko wabaye UMUFARISAYO.
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Yigize imvugavuzi. Inkotanyi zikunda ibintu bivuga bikavuga nabanyina. Harua uyu si umwe wavuze ko Nyina yanga Abatutsi!! Akamutaranga imbere ya Abantu no kuri TVR? Ubu nyina aramubona ati: Narakubwiye.<br /> <br /> Mumbwire aho IMBWA YURIYE IGITI! Iyo myanya baguha hari ABANA BABATUTSI barwaniye cg babuze byose BAWIFUZA!! Ikibazo wowe uziko kuba UZI KURUGOMBWA nka EVODE watangiye kwita bene wabo IBICUCU baba BABONYE UBUCUCU bwanyu MASIKINI.<br /> <br /> Niba SG yaraguhamagaje ati: Hari abantu bashaka IRYO TAKO, INAMA NAKUGIRA (Nuko akarenze umunwa...) NUKO UBA UTAJE KUBWEJAGURA aho uvuga ibyo abantu bakurega. BYOSE WABYISHE uwo wishyize hanze. GUSA NTACYO USOHOJE UBUHANUZI BWA NYOKO (Ese yitwande Nyoko wabe TADEYO - BAMPORA IKI)?<br /> <br /> Urajya i Budage ukavuga Abana b ibikomangoma bicaye, ururira amadege ba IBINGIRA bafunze kubera MANDA z ABAZUNGU ba KABAREBE ntibabona uko bajya KWIVOMESHA BYA SIDA (HIV) wowe uri kwidagadura MUMARASO ya RWIGEMA na BUNYENYEZI warangiza UTI: Ndigusimba IMITEGO! Uri ni umuhanga. ARI WAFASHIJE ba INGABIRE, ba NTAGANDA, ba BONIFACE TWAGIRIMANA nabo BASIMBA iyo MITEGO!!<br /> <br /> URIRIWE NTURAYE. Uwo wanya se SEZIBERA nabonye wabaye PARALYSED bawumuhaye yawanga!!!
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FLN na FDLR BAKOMEJE KUMANIKA AMABOKO.<br /> <br /> Mu nkuru zacu zatambutse twabagejejeho inkuru zavugaga ko abarwanyi ba tumwe mu dutsiko tw'abagizi ba nabi twiyitaga ko turwanya ubutegetsi bw’u Rwanda bari kugenda bamanika amaboko bakishyikiriza ingabo za FRDC, ni nyuma yuko hateguwe operasiyo yiswe sokola2 yari ishinzwe kurwanya imitwe ibarizwa muri Republika iharanira Demokarasi ya Congo.<br /> Iyo Operasiyo yashegeshe imitwe y'abagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda (FDLR, FLN) ndetse nindi itandukanye, bamwe mu bayobozi biyo mitwe barishwe abandi bashyikirizwa ubutegetsi bw’u Rwanda, ubu bakaba bari mu maboko y’ubutabera bw’u Rwanda, bitewe nuko iyo Operasiyo yibasiye iyo mitwe y'iterabwoba y'abanyarwanda, hari abantu batangiye kuvuga ko atari ingabo za Congo zonyine ziri gukora iriya operasiyo ahubwo ko zivanze n’ingabo z’u Rwanda mu gushaka guhashya imitwe yose irwanya u Rwanda. Ibyo<br /> bintu RDC yarabihakanye ivuga ko nta musirikare w’u Rwanda ubarizwa ku butaka bwa Congo ndetse n’u Rwanda ruhakana ko nta ruhare rufite muri ibyo bitero by’ibasira imitwe irwanya u Rwanda, kuri ubu abari bagize iyo mitwe bamwe bagera mu bihumbi bari kubarizwa ku butaka bw’u Rwanda, nyuma yuko bamanitse amaboko.<br /> Captain Dieudonne Kasereka Umuvugizi w’ingabo za FARDC muri Kivu y’amajyaruguru, avuga ko ingabo ze zakoresheje amayeri arimo ubuhanga bwa gisirikare aribyo byatumye abo bagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda bamanika amaboko ku bwinshi.<br /> Akomeza avuga ko batazarekera kugaba ibitero kuri iyo mitwe, kugeza igihe nta n’umwe uzasigara muri ayo mashyamba ya Congo, ko ubu ikigezweho ari ukwibanda ku mutwe wa FLN ukorera muri teritwari ya Kabare, muri Kivu y’amajyepfo, ndetse ko nta kintu gishobora kuzahagarika ibyo bitero ku ngabo za CNRD ndetse na FDLR ziri kubarizwa mu duce turimo gurupema ya Nzibira muri teritware ya Walungu ndetse na no muri Sheferi ya Nindja ho muri Territoire ya Kabare. Abaturage ba Congo bashyigikiye ko iyo mitwe y'abagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda birukanwa ku butaka bwa Congo Kuko yababuzaga amahoro, ibasoresha, ibambura amasambu yabo, icukura amabuye y'agaciro y'igihugu cyabo, ibakoresha imirimo y'uburetwa ariko cyane cyane ikoresha ubutaka bwa Congo mu guhungabanya umutekano w'akarere k'ibiyaga bigari.
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FLN na FDLR BAKOMEJE KUMANIKA AMABOKO.<br /> <br /> Mu nkuru zacu zatambutse twabagejejeho inkuru zavugaga ko abarwanyi ba tumwe mu dutsiko tw'abagizi ba nabi twiyitaga ko turwanya ubutegetsi bw’u Rwanda bari kugenda bamanika amaboko bakishyikiriza ingabo za FRDC, ni nyuma yuko hateguwe operasiyo yiswe sokola2 yari ishinzwe kurwanya imitwe ibarizwa muri Republika iharanira Demokarasi ya Congo.<br /> Iyo Operasiyo yashegeshe imitwe y'abagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda (FDLR, FLN) ndetse nindi itandukanye, bamwe mu bayobozi biyo mitwe barishwe abandi bashyikirizwa ubutegetsi bw’u Rwanda, ubu bakaba bari mu maboko y’ubutabera bw’u Rwanda, bitewe nuko iyo Operasiyo yibasiye iyo mitwe y'iterabwoba y'abanyarwanda, hari abantu batangiye kuvuga ko atari ingabo za Congo zonyine ziri gukora iriya operasiyo ahubwo ko zivanze n’ingabo z’u Rwanda mu gushaka guhashya imitwe yose irwanya u Rwanda. Ibyo<br /> bintu RDC yarabihakanye ivuga ko nta musirikare w’u Rwanda ubarizwa ku butaka bwa Congo ndetse n’u Rwanda ruhakana ko nta ruhare rufite muri ibyo bitero by’ibasira imitwe irwanya u Rwanda, kuri ubu abari bagize iyo mitwe bamwe bagera mu bihumbi bari kubarizwa ku butaka bw’u Rwanda, nyuma yuko bamanitse amaboko.<br /> Captain Dieudonne Kasereka Umuvugizi w’ingabo za FARDC muri Kivu y’amajyaruguru, avuga ko ingabo ze zakoresheje amayeri arimo ubuhanga bwa gisirikare aribyo byatumye abo bagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda bamanika amaboko ku bwinshi.<br /> Akomeza avuga ko batazarekera kugaba ibitero kuri iyo mitwe, kugeza igihe nta n’umwe uzasigara muri ayo mashyamba ya Congo, ko ubu ikigezweho ari ukwibanda ku mutwe wa FLN ukorera muri teritwari ya Kabare, muri Kivu y’amajyepfo, ndetse ko nta kintu gishobora kuzahagarika ibyo bitero ku ngabo za CNRD ndetse na FDLR ziri kubarizwa mu duce turimo gurupema ya Nzibira muri teritware ya Walungu ndetse na no muri Sheferi ya Nindja ho muri Territoire ya Kabare. Abaturage ba Congo bashyigikiye ko iyo mitwe y'abagizi ba nabi b'abanyarwanda birukanwa ku butaka bwa Congo Kuko yababuzaga amahoro, ibasoresha, ibambura amasambu yabo, icukura amabuye y'agaciro y'igihugu cyabo, ibakoresha imirimo y'uburetwa ariko cyane cyane ikoresha ubutaka bwa Congo mu guhungabanya umutekano w'akarere k'ibiyaga bigari.
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@GO AHEAD. Ngo ifirimbi ya nyuma ntiravuga? utegereje ko izavuzwa na nde se shenge? Uracyizeye gutsinda FPR INKOTANYI se? Uzayitsinda se byanyuze mu yihe nzira? Inzira y'intambara ko mwayigerageje kuva cyera ikabananira mukoresheje FDLR, FLN, RUD URUNANA, FDP IMANZI... bikabananira ahubwo ababiyobotse ubu bakaba barimo bicwa nk'ibimonyo muri Congo!! Inzira ya Demokarasi nayo ko yabananiye Kubera ko mwitiranya Demokarasi no kuvangura amoko Kandi Politike yanyu ya ruvumwa y'ivanguramoko ikaba yaragiye nk'ifuni iheze mu Rwanda. Uzakoresha iyihe nzira ngo ugarure ingengabitekerezo ya genocide mu Rwanda? Umva uretse nawe utagira n'urwara rwo kwishima ukaba usigaranye umunwa wonyine wo kwishinyagurira ngo uzatsinda FPR INKOTANYI, na HABYALIMANA wari ufite Inzirabwoba ibihumbi makumyabiri, akagira abajandarume ibihumbi cumi na bitanu, akagira interahamwe miliyoni ebyiri, akagira Leta y'ubufaransa yamuhaga inkunga mu bya gisirikare n'amafaranga, akagira Zayire yamuhaga inkunga y'amasasu n'imbunda, akagira Leta y'u Rwanda n'amafaranga yarwanyije FPR INKOTANYI iramunanira. Nkanswe wowe imbwa nyakabwana yirirwa yandika utugambo kuri internet utugambo twerekana ko urwaye indwara y'agahinda gakabije ( Depression) watewe n'uko ingengabitekerezo ya genocide yatsinzwe mu Rwanda nk'uko APARTHEID yatsinzwe muri Afrika y'Epfo. Ifirimbi ya nyuma utegereje ni iyo satani azavuza arimo aguhamagara ngo ugende aguhembere amarorerwa wakoreye abanyarwanda.
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GO AHEAD we! GO AHEAD we! waba usize nkuru ki i Musozi? aho ntiwaba ugiye wari ruvumwa!!! abanyarwanda warishe, amatungo yabo urayasahura, uyoboka FLN/FDLR none dore uratsinzwe cyo genda Amahoro. Wakoze genocide, unakwiza ingengabitekerezo ariko ntibyaguhiriye none dore urabisize cyo genda Amahoro.
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@ Ka<br /> <br /> Ililire!!Ndacyari umunyarwanda w'umwimerere,wiyubashye,utali bamwe bashaka uko biyomeka bakiyita NDUMUNYARWANDA.Navukiye mu Rwanda niga mu Rwanda,nkorera u Rwanda mu Rwanda.Izo ngebitekerezo zazanywe mu Rwanda n'INGALISI zidashobora kugira ikintu zigezaho ubwazo,ku ngufu zazo,n'ubwenge bwazo.Ikinyoma ,gutekinika ,kwiba,kwica,no kwitanguranwa,no gusisibiranya nibyo bibaranga.<br /> <br /> Koko ugatinyuka ugatuka umuntu utazi ngo arandavuye!!Ate se?,Hehe se?Nande?Ngo ndatsinzwe?Ni inde wavugije ifilimbi ya nyuma?Mbisubiremo hahirwa uzaseka bwanyuma?
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GO AHEAD wari umuntu nk'abandi mu gihugu cyose bukeye Ibipingamizi birakoshya utatira igihango ukwiza ibinyoma byo kwamamaza ingengabitekerezo ya genocide, none dore uratsinzwe urandavuye wabaye wariyangiye.
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Abayuda bitegereje Yesu ibyo akora bati turakwimika udukize abaromani, abanyamahanga bo bazatubera abagaragu!<br /> Mbese baramwitse? Igisubizo ni Yego ariko muburyo batashakaga kuko bamwimikiye ku musaraba akaba umwami wa bose abayuda abaroma na abanyamahanga. Yapfiriye bose!!!<br /> Kagame abagushuka ntibagukunda na gato <br /> Wicishije benshi baguhunze na abarimbere kandi urakica ntushaka kumanura icumu! Ese wibwira ko Imana itazi abo banyarwanda wishe nabo utari wica?<br /> Wishe benshi kandi uracyashaka kwica benshi.<br /> Ndakurahiye ntuzabamaraho! Nabo bahutu wijunditse haracyariho<br /> Miliyoni zirindwi bi indobanure Imana yabitse ahantu wongeyeho Ibihumbi birindwi babatutsi banze kwiyanduriisha ubusa bwawe!<br /> Ndakurahiye<br /> Ibyo ushaka uzabibona BICURITSE<br /> Bakogeze nawe wiyoze munyo!<br /> Banyarwanda murebe ku Mana gutabarwa kuri ku Mana<br /> Mwicishe bugufi mukundane, musabire abanzi banyu ibyiza mutibagiwe KAGAME. Hapfuye benshi, baracyapfa ariko ntimuzapfira gushira! Mwizere Imana kuko izacyemura ikibazo cyanyu mubundi buryo butandukanye nuko mwibwira. Mwihangane kuko ku Mana imyaka 1000=umunsi1<br /> Ibyiza biraje kandi ntawe uzabisubiza inyuma<br /> Ugomba gushimwa Imana yonyine. Amen
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Impunzi zabanyarwanda zo muri Congo barazishe barazimaze ntanuwo kubara inkuru warokotse, abaturage rubanda rugufi mu Rwanda barasenyewe amazu yabo barabamenesha, barabangaza, babambura utwabo twose barara bacuramye kugasi nimpinja zabo ntibazi niba bwira cg ngo buke. <br /> Mana yange niwowe nyiribiremwa ni wowe wogutabara abo waremye. Icyampa Mana, amarira, Intimba nimiborogo byabanyarwanda bikakugereho mwijuru ukururukira kudutabara. Turarushye, turananiwe kandi turarambiwe.<br /> Amakuru amwe ari kuri the Rwandan.com
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Christophe techniques za FPR turazizi komereza aho amatwara gusa twarabamenye
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Si i Bisesero gusa n'ahandi hose niko byagenze.Abatutsi bali mu Rwanda bali bose uko bangana bali biteguye ko hazabaho genocide y'abahutu(solution finale).Mukuyitegura bahawe imyitozo myinshi cyane cyane za KINIHIRA.Yali imyitozo ya gisilikare n'iya ideology politiki.Iyo barangizaga imyitozo bagarukaga ku misozozi ysbo aho basangishwaga intwaro.<br /> <br /> Ikindi gikomeye cyakozwe ni amanama bakoraga amajoro bagataha nko mu masa cyenda bigishwa uko bazabyifatamo igihe ubwicanyi bw'abahutu bwali kuba butangiye.Ama churches yali kuba za etats majors aho abana,abagore n'abasaza bali kuba balindiwe, mu gihe abagabo bitojwe ibya gisilikare ku MULINDI na KINIHIRA bafatanije n'aba techniciens ba FPR bali kuba bakora genocide y'abahutu.<br /> <br /> Uko umugambi wabapfubanye nibo babizi.,uretse ko utanapfubye burundu.Bakoze ubwicanyi bashoboye,ubundi babukomeza mu bundi buryo ali bwo bukomeje magingo aya kugeza no muli CONGO.Icyi cya CHRISTOPH abazi gutukana mugikoronge giceceke,ibyo bakoze bizabagaruka tube ali twe DUSEKA BWA NYUMA!!!
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@Christophe. Ubabajwe se n'uko mbibukije ko FLN yari yaratwijeje ko izafata u Rwanda mbere ya 2019? Niba bikubabaje ihangane sijye watumye FLN kubivuga. Ikindi Kandi niba ubabajwe n'uko abarwanyi ba FLN barimo bicwa nk'ibimonyo n'Ingabo za Congo ariko ntubabazwe n'abanyarwanda FLN yari imaze iminsi yicira muri Nyungwe, ubwo ni uko nawe ufite imyumvire icuramye nk'iya FLN yo gushoza intambara idashoboye kurwana. Niba rero ubabajwe n'uko abanyarwanda bahiga abandi, wari kugira inama FLN ikareka kuva aho yabaga muri Congo I KALEHE ikaza muri Nyungwe guhiga abanyarwanda ngo ibice hanyuma ukareba ko nayo hari uyirwanya. Naho kuvuga ngo abanyarwanda basohoka mu gihugu cyabo ari benshi, ntabwo abanyarwanda bava mu gihugu bose baba bahunze. Hari abasohoka mu gihugu bajyanywe n'impamvu zitari ubuhunzi ahubwo bagiye nko kwiga cyangwa gukora Kandi amategeko y'u Rwanda yemerera abanyarwanda kujya mu gihugu cyose bashaka ku isi. Nta gihugu na kimwe ku isi kitagira abantu bagisohokamo Kubera impamvu zinyuranye, kuko n'iyo ugiye mu Rwanda uhasanga abanyamahanga baturutse impande zose z'isi. Naho abanyarwanda uvuga bahunga ni bacye cyane Kandi bose baba bahunga ibyaha baba bakoze mu gihugu. Hari abahunga Kubera kwiba, kwica, kuba barakoze genocide batinya gushyikirizwa ubutabera bagahitamo guhunga, abandi baba hari amategeko bishe. Abo rero nibo usanga birirwa ku mbuga nkoranyambaga cyangwa ku maradiyo bavuga ibinyoma ngo mu Rwanda ni habi, ngo Kagame ni mubi Ngo hasigaye gato bakamukuraho, iyo bitabaye ibyo baba barimo kwigisha ivanjiri yabo y'ivanguramoko. Mbese ibyo urimo uvuga biragaragaza ko uri muri urwo rwego rwa bene abo bantu. Nko kwihanukira ngo ibyo mvuga mba nshaka indonke uba ugaragaje ko uri umunyabinyoma kabombo kuko jye nditunze nta muntu ntegerejeho indonke ahubwo ibyo mvuga mba nshaka kunyomoza ibinyoma byanyu byababayemo chronique. Mba nshaka kubambika ubusa Kugirango utabazi abamenye.
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@goahead wibagiwe uka batangira umugani nuko bawusoza warigutangira uvuga ngo kera habayeho ugasoza na sinjye wahera ahahhaah kuko ndabona uri guca umugani
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Nibyo koko interahamwe zishe abatutsi bo mu bisesero ariko abakomando ba FPR bali barageze yo cyera .Haba mbere na nyuma ya Genocide bishe abatutsi bene wabo bo mu bisezero!!!!!<br /> Usibye James Munyandinda kimwe nabandi batutsi babyemeza,nanjye ndabizi.<br /> Bigitangira FPR yabwiye abatutsi bose bo muli ako karere ko bagomba kuzamuka bakirundira mu bisezero aho inkotanyi zagombaga kubalinda.<br /> Abatutsi baguye i Bisezero si abahakomoka gusa kuko nabaturuka mutundi turere bali bahahungiye.<br /> Mbere y'uko Habyara yicwa abatutsi bose bakomoka muli izo nce wasangaga balimo bakina abahutu ku mubyimba bababwira ngo nimuze twigire ku itetero (Bisesero) kunnwa amata!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!<br /> Nyamara icyo batali bazi FPR mu kubalundira hamwe yagirango bashire!!!!!!!!<br /> Niko byagenze ubwo bamwe mubabyeyi b'inkotanyi zikomoka muli izo nce zandikiye ibaruwa abana babo bo mu nyenzi zibabwira ngo mwarakoze kutulinda.<br /> Ubu hali abatutsi bakomoka iyo za Bisezero bilirwa biruka kubahutu ngo bakoze genocide nyamara iminsi yabo irabaze kuko turabazi cyane!!!!<br /> Hali akamodoka k'ikamyoneti ka Isuzu gakunze kuvugwa mu byaha FPR yakoze kakundaga kuza mu bisesero no munce zihana na bisezero imbibi.<br /> Kavaga Kigali buli gihe nijoro mbere y'uko habyara apfa.<br /> Nyirako tutali buvuge izina yabaga azanye za grenades imbunda ndetse nabakomando.<br /> Aho kugirango abo ba komando balinde abatutsi nkuko babibemereye ahubwo barabishe.<br /> Iyo Kagame atangiye gutera ubwoba France ngo aracana nayo umubano nuko aba azi ko Genocide archives za operation Turquoise zibitse amabanga amushyira hanze!!!!!!!!!!<br /> Abazaba bakiliho bazabona byinshi.<br /> Hali akanyenzi ko mubisezero kitwa Gashirabake Jean Baptiste sinzi niba kakili aka DMI kigeze kajya mu mahanga kwica abahutu ngo bavuga FPR nabi nyamara kazi neza ko abishe abanyabisezero urupfu rubi cyne ali RPF Commandos.<br /> Abazaba bakiliho bazabona byinshi.<br /> Abize amategeko mutangire mutegure CV zanyu muminsi ili imbere muzabona akazi ko gucira inyenzi Imanza.<br /> Vive la vérité.<br /> Turasaba Bwana Twagiramungu kutubwira nawe icyo yaba azi cg yamenye kuli commando za Bisesero.<br /> Hali umu DMI mukuru wazanaga abantu n'intwaro iyo za Bisesero uzashyirwa hanze kugirango abatutsi bamuzi batangire bamumenye ko iyo alimo yiliza atuka abahutu ngo bishe abatutsi nawe yagize uruhare mu kwicisha abahutu.<br /> Mugiriye inama yagabanya kwishyiramo abahutu kuko nakomeza ntazongera gukandagira Iyo za Bisezero dore ko buli gihe iyo hali anniversary ya genocide ali we uba ali patron cyangwa master of the ceremony!!!!!!!<br /> Tubaye tumuhishiliye Kugirango tumuhe chance yo kwikosora.
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The Genocide of Tutsis in Bisesero<br />  <br /> Curtir 0<br /> By Judi Rever<br /> James Munyandinda, former High Command soldier who says Paul Kagame and commanders James Kabarebe and Charles Kayonga organized killings of Tutsis in Bisesero<br /> “We could see the machete wounds to the head, and on their arms and bodies. They were just emerging from the horror.” — French Vice-Admiral Marin Gillier, upon finding hundreds of wounded Tutsi in the hills of Bisesero in late June, 1994.<br /> Former soldiers who served in Paul Kagame’s army and a Tutsi survivor saved by French soldiers under Operation Turquoise reveal a shocking story that changes our understanding of the Rwandan genocide.<br /> The cadence of Martin’s speech, which is normally swift and steady, abruptly changes when he talks about Bisesero, in southwestern Rwanda, in 1994.<br /> “They killed my mother and father. They killed my two sisters, and my elder and younger brothers,” he told me, his voice soft and breaking. “They used bayonets, small hoes and grenades to slaughter them. I was unable to bury my family and it was pure, psychological torture when I discovered who was responsible.”<br /> Martin, who requested anonymity for reasons of safety, is a Tutsi who grew up in undulating hills of Bisesero. As a young man he joined Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which swept to victory in July 1994 and is credited for staunching the bloodshed against Tutsis.<br /> For 25 years, Kagame has been idealized for liberating a country that was brought to the brink of madness in 1994. Researchers worldwide have taken great pains to comprehend how so many Tutsis could be wiped out so fast in the tiny central African nation over the space of 100 days. The official story told in history books and by survivors living in Kagame’s tightly-controlled Rwanda is that the former Hutu government and its willing executioners were desperate to hold onto power and decided to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi minority, one machete at a time. While there is some disagreement about the number of Tutsi victims who are estimated to be between 500,000 and a million people, there is no historical dispute about the level of brutality and the speed at which Rwandan Tutsis lost their lives from April to July 1994.<br /> Bisesero, a Tutsi stronghold where tens of thousands of victims [1] were hacked, shot or burned to death by mobs of killers, is cited as an example of the “purest” form or genocide against Tutsis in 1994.<br /> And yet there is no doubt in Martin’s mind about the person who ultimately planned and ordered the abominable massacres of Tutsis in Bisesero. He says the mastermind was Paul Kagame himself.<br /> In a country where Hutus and Tutsis largely resemble one another and share the same language and culture, Kagame and his military aides devised a strategy of military deception known as insider attacks. [2] In these schemes, Kagame’s Tutsi soldiers disguised themselves as Hutu militia and attacked civilians. The terror resulting from the carnage produced equal measures of fear and disgust at home and abroad, which provided the RPF with political capital to achieve its tactical, national and international goals.<br /> Infiltrate, disguise and deceive<br /> Martin and four other soldiers who served under Kagame say commandos from the RPF’s battalions infiltrated Hutu militia and slaughtered Tutsis in Bisesero in savage ways. They described RPF commandos seizing Tutsis in their homes or chasing them over hills into ravines, using hoes and homemade cudgels — clubs with nails and sharp pieces of metal — to strike victims in the head and heart.<br /> The sources said hundreds of RPF commandos descended upon Bisesero and its surrounding areas of Mumubuga, Uwingabo, Mataba, Kagari, Ngoma, Muyira and throughout the greater region of Kibuye. Working with Hutu militia known as the Interahamwe, these commandos launched a spate of initial attacks in the region in mid and late May at the height of the genocide. The Interahamwe militia were the youth wing of the ruling, MRND party of President Juvenal Habyarimana, many of whose early recruits were jobless, displaced and hungry. [3] RPF commandos were also known to have infiltrated the militia of Hutu opposition parties. [4]<br /> Tutsis in Bisesero mounted an unusual, stiff resistance during the early phase of militia attacks, fighting off killers with spears and other traditional weapons. Their bravery and strength were so remarkable that Kagame himself called attention to it in one of his speeches: “One major exception to the pattern of defenselessness and desperation stands out in the annals of the grisly period of the genocide. The resistance put up by thousands of mostly unarmed Tutsi at Bisesero in Kibuye Province in the west of Rwanda constitutes a memorial in itself to the determination of one major group of the population to not become victims.” [5]<br /> And yet the RPF, in one of the most deceptive and well-planned operations in 1994, ultimately broke the resistance of Tutsis in Bisesero and ensured they died in the thousands by late June, just as the French army was arriving to provide humanitarian assistance to Rwanda.<br /> Kagame tasked his most trusted senior commanders — James Kaberebe and Charles Kayonga — to organize the Bisesero operation, according to several sources who have fled Rwanda and requested anonymity for reasons of safety. Kabarebe oversaw Kagame’s security guards in the High Command battalion, and Kayonga headed the 3rd battalion stationed in Kigali where commandos transited before being deployed in the regions. The sources have described how Kabarebe and Kayonga flooded the area with increased numbers of commandos and weapons — in particular grenades and guns — and then received military reinforcement from a small group of soldiers from Habyarimana’s army in Kibuye. However a former RPF intelligence official who confirmed the RPF’s leading role in the Bisesero slaughter said the Hutu military had fled the area by late June and was not involved in killing Tutsis there. “That is pure fiction. When Tutsis were killed in Bisesero by the Interahamwe and RPF commandos, the FAR (Hutu army) was on the run.”<br /> Martin says he knows what happened to his family and other Tutsis in Bisesero because the men who were part of the operation told him what happened, and that these men were commandos in Kagame’s battalions.<br /> Five former members of Kagame’s military provided the names of some 40 commandos who killed Tutsis in Bisesero. The commandos were mostly ethnic Tutsis and members of several RPF battalions, including the 11th battalion, the 59th battalion, the 101th battalion and the RPF’s Charlie mobile force. A number of commandos expressed deep remorse for slaughtering Tutsis, according to three of the sources. Some were “sickened” by having killed fellow Tutsis and experienced trauma but had no choice because they feared they’d be executed if they did not obey orders, they said. The names of the commandos have been withheld for reasons of confidentiality and safety. Some commandos were killed by the RPF after the genocide but many of them are still alive and could be eliminated if their names were exposed, according to the sources.<br /> The majority of former military sources who gave me their testimony were too afraid to speak on the record for fear of being killed. Yet one soldier who left Rwanda more than a decade ago has come out of the shadows and agreed to be identified. His name is James Munyandinda, [6] and he was one of Kagame’s close bodyguards in the High Command battalion. Munyandinda is certain that Kagame, Kaberebe and Kayonga directed RPF commandos to kill in Bisesero and throughout Rwanda. He said he heard them talking about the operations on Motorola walkie-talkie radios, in May, June and early July.<br /> “I heard Kagame on Motorala asking Kabarebe how the activities were going in Bisesero. He said ‘do you have news?’ He also asked Kaberebe whether the killings were successful,” said Munyandinda, who accompanied Kagame everywhere as his close bodyguard.<br /> Munyandinda said he also heard Kabarebe asking Kayonga for a situation report in Bisesero. He heard Kaberebe use the word abatabazi, which is Kinyarwanda for “interveners” — a code word for the commandos. Kaberebe also inquired about the number of people slaughtered and Kayonga responded by saying that everything was running “smoothly,” according to Munyandinda.<br /> While the infiltration of killer mobs of Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda was put into place by Kabarebe and Kayonga, a few sources said the plan was conceived, organized and coordinated by two of Kagame’s smartest and most senior commanders: Kayumba Nyamwasa and Emmanuel Karenzi Karake. Nyamwasa was then head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) — and Karake was the RPF’s liaison officer with UNAMIR and the OAU’s Neutral Military Observation Group known as GOMN before the genocide. Karake’s liaison with UNAMIR and GOMN gave him privileged access to the capital and the regions, which enabled him to collect intelligence, oversee infiltration of the entire country, recruit new members, conduct sabotage and organize crimes.<br /> However, Munyandinda said he did not believe that Nyamwasa was involved in organizing or authorizing RPF commando operations to infiltrate Hutu militia. He had no evidence whatsoever, he said, that Nyamwasa had any role in the massacre of Tutsis in Bisesero.. Munyandinda insisted the operation was overseen by the RPF’s High Command, under the authority of Kagame and supervised by Kaberebe and Kayonga. “I do not have any evidence that Nyamwasa, as head of DMI, was involved with the network commandos. The killings of Tutsis in Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda were organized by the High Command, which oversaw many special operations,” he told me.<br /> Political cadres<br /> Sources said that civilian cadres of the RPF, who were known as abakada , worked on the ground with Hutu cadres from various opposition parties such as PL, PSD and MDR [7] to ensure infiltration of Hutu militia. These cadres facilitated Hutu identification cards and managed to falsify MRND membership cards for the commandos to use, according to the sources.<br /> The senior RPF cadres who oversaw operations in Bisesero were from Kibuye, according to the soldiers interviewed. These Tutsi cadres brought grenades and traditional weapons into their homes and convinced other Tutsis to hide weapons at their residences in the months leading up to the genocide.<br /> Sources said the number of commandos deployed across Rwanda was in the several thousands. These infiltrators included Tutsi members of the RPF resembling Hutus and Hutus recruited for commando training by Hutu cadres opposed to Habyarimana’s government.<br /> Sources said Hutu opposition figures worked hand-in-hand with the RPF in this infiltration scheme because they wanted to undermine Habyarimana’s government, both on the ground and in the eyes of the international community, even if it was not clear among these sources whether the Hutu opposition parties knew the full extent of the RPF’s strategy in infiltrating the militias bent on exterminating Tutsis.<br /> Sources said interior Tutsis — Tutsis who grew up in Rwanda unlike others who were raised as refugees in Uganda, Burundi, Congo and Tanzania — were sacrificed as part of the RPF’s greater political ambitions. “Kagame used Tutsis inside the country as a bridge to achieve power. He killed Tutsis and has put a lot of effort into convincing the world that only Hutus were responsible,” said James Munyandinda.<br /> “The whole world is sympathetic to Kagame because he’s made it look like a majority of Hutus killed Tutsis and that he defended the victims in the Rwandan holocaust we all know happened,” another source, a senior officer said. “This is the card that Kagame is still playing today. His strategy all along was to get power and become the leader of the country.”<br /> Getting the Killers Ready<br /> The commando training began in February 1992 and ended in August 1993, according to sources. The RPF secretly trained the commandos in waves, initially at a hidden location called Kavu, in northern Rwanda, before shifting into the nearby Karama valley, which was surrounded by a banana plantation.<br /> “They were shooting, they were running, jumping, training….one group after another. Sometimes 80 men were trained, sometimes 200 or even 300 at a time.<br /> By the end of 1993, the commandos had become a very big group,” a senior officer explained. Soldiers said several thousand young men underwent commando training and were deployed in Kigali and across Rwanda by January 1994, ready to move after the assassination of Habyarimana on April 6, 1994.<br /> Five sources with detailed knowledge of the operation in Bisesero said that a captain nicknamed Kiyago was the ground commander for Kagame’s commandos.<br /> “Kiyago led the commandos in Bisesero and in several other operations,” Munyandinda said, adding: “James Kaberebe received reports directly from Kiyago in the morning and evening, on the Motorola, of activities in the field.”<br /> Captain Kiyago was cited as a perpetrator of grave crimes in a UN confidential investigation. He, among others, is known to have infiltrated Hutu militia on behalf of the RPF, and having participated directly in killing Tutsis. [8] In 2008, he was indicted by a Spanish judge on charges of terrorism for separate offenses committed prior to the genocide. [9] Despite the Spanish indictment and the UN investigation at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Kiyago joined the joint UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur as a director of transport between 2009 and 2011.<br /> Kiyago’s former colleagues describe him as both sadistic and dangerous. “He is someone who would do anything to get ahead and was often used by Kagame,” said an officer who knew Kiyago from their early days fighting together in Yoweri Museveni’s rebel National Resistance Army.<br /> Kiyago, whose actual name is Godfrey Ntukayajemo, is an ethnic Hutu who grew up in Kisoro, in the Rukiga district of Western Uganda, where Rwanda’s longtime intelligence enforcer Jacques Nziza is known to have hailed from. Despite being Hutu, Kiyago became a soldier in Museveni’s rebel army in the 1980s, along with many Rwandan Tutsis living in exile in Uganda. Because of his appearance and accent — “he talked like his Hutu cousins in Ruhengeri,” in northwestern Rwanda, said a senior officer — he was chosen to intfiltrate the interahamwe. “Kiyago was a commander of the RPF’s major missions. He was always on the floor.“<br /> He is alleged to have murdered Felicien Gatabazi, a Hutu opposition politician, in February 1994, an act that spurred greater violence in the run-up to the genocide and provided a taste of the nightmare to come. And Kiyago helped slaughter Lando Ndasingwa and his Canadian wife Hélène Pinsky and their two children after the genocide was unleashed, sources have said. Lando was a Tutsi minister in Habyarimana’s government and was the brother of Louise Mushikiwabo, Kagame’s long serving foreign minister who in 2018 became the secretary general of the Francophonie. Kiyago was convicted for raping and killing a woman and her daughter when their family insisted on reclaiming their house he had seized after the genocide, several sources say. Kiyago spent time in prison but got an early release and became a UN peacekeeper in Sudan. He was initially tapped, in 2011, to assassinate Rwandan dissidents Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, according to recordings obtained in 2014 by the Canadian newspaper, the Globe and Mail, but was ultimately not sent to carry out the job, likely because of the international arrest warrant issued against him by Spain.<br /> Former colleagues who know Kiyago well have pointed to his current Facebook page, under the name Kiyago Godfery. https://www.facebook.com/kiyago.godfery<br /> The account features pictures of him jumping in the air with foreign nationals in Rwanda’s Akagera Park as though he were a tour guide, along with serene photos of his mother, his children, a few women he’s had relationships with, and one of Kagame with his son and daughter in battle fatigues. The account includes sober pictures of him when he was younger, to more recent, relaxed portraits in his middle age. He makes references to his time in Darfur while working as a driver for the United Nations, and posts a doctored, bloody photo of a masked man who has torn his heart out to give to a girl. A post from 2018 says: “only in the darkness can you see the stars,” a variation of a quote from Martin Luther King, Jr.<br /> Kiyago also appears to maintain a dormant Twitter account, https://twitter.com/Godfreykiyago , in which he publicly thanks Kagame for what he’s done for him. The tweets date from 2011.<br /> France: The Fall Guy<br /> One of the most stinging allegations to emerge from the ashes of the Rwandan genocide has been leveled at France for the role its armed forces played in late June and July 1994 in the southwestern prefectures of Kibuye, Gikongoro and Cyangugu, under the UN-mandated humanitarian intervention, Operation Turquoise.<br /> Rwanda says the French army failed to protect Tutsis in Bisesero and instead protected the perpetrators and was complicit in the genocide. France, the only country that intervened to save Rwandan lives in 1994, has called the accusations “monstrous.” Tutsi soldiers and survivors who’ve shared their stories with me say the charges against the French are a thinly-veiled attempt to distract from the RPF’s leading role in the massacre of Tutsis and for years were aimed at pressuring France to drop a judicial investigation into the RPF’s role in assassinating Habyarimana and unleashing the genocide. In December 2018, French judge Jean Marc Herbaut dismissed the case against RPF commanders, citing a lack of sufficient evidence. Lawyers for the civil parties in the case, who include families of the French crew killed in the plane attack, have appealed the ruling.<br /> Vice Admiral Marin Gillier was part of a special forces team from France tasked with finding survivors and setting up a safe haven for them under Operation Turquoise. On June 24, during the first few days of their arrival in Rwanda, they conducted reconnaissance at a Hutu displacement camp in Kirambo and in villages throughout Kibuye, near Bisesero and discovered a traumatized population.<br /> “The people we came upon were traumatized by the ravages of hunger, fear, disease and cruelty. We witnessed suffering everywhere,” he said.<br /> On June 27, during a trip to Gishyita, northwest of Bisesero, villagers told French soldiers that the RPF had completely infiltrated the hills throughout Kibuye and “was trying to divide the country in two.” But Gillier, a captain at the time, did not know what to make of these stories. He nevertheless documented the reports of alleged RPF infiltration and tabled an official account of his observations to a French parliamentary mission in June 1998. [10]<br /> “All day long Rwandans were giving us their accounts. Some of their stories were surely true and others were false. It was hard to know who was trying to manipulate us and why, and what the truth actually was.”<br /> French forces began moving further east, five kilometres to the hills of Bisesero, and heard what they thought was artillery fire [11] coming from RPF forces. Captain Gillier informed his ground commander, Colonel Jacques Rosier. The mandate of Operation Turquoise, issued by the UN Security Council, clearly stipulated that French soldiers could not militarily engage with troops on the ground. French forces were there to protect civilians — with military force if necessary — but were forbidden to fight the RPF or support Habyarimana’s army. In any case, it was clear at that time that his team “did not have the military force or tactical support to intervene effectively.” Gillier’s team had no choice but to wait for attack helicopters equipped with cannons in order to move in and save lives in the middle of a conflict zone. He insists that there was never any hesitation [12] by French forces or the overall commander of Operation Turquoise, General Jean Claude Lafourcade, to save Tutsis in Bisesero, or elsewhere in Rwanda. As soon as the helicopters and other reinforcements arrived, they moved in immediately.<br /> He will never forget the unmitigated suffering he witnessed when he penetrated the hills of Bisesero on June 30, 1994.<br /> “It destroyed me,” said Gillier, who saw hundreds of corpses on the ground, some of them burned from grenade attacks, and many decomposing and bloated which indicated they had been killed days earlier.<br /> And he saw survivors who “were just emerging from the horror. They were lying prostrate. They were depleted and cold.”<br /> “I saw a baby trying to drink from the breast of his mother, and the mother had been beheaded,” he told me.<br /> “A little girl came up to me. She was about as tall as my waist, and she stood there. Her skull was missing bone. It was completely exposed. I could see her brain as she spoke to me.”<br /> The French soldiers took care of the wounded. “We hurried to bring them together, to protect them, to cover them up, to feed and reassure them, to give them medical care.” [13] An estimated 800 Tutsis were saved by the French army in the hills around Bisesero in 1994. “This was the most important mission of my life,” said Gillier, who also served in Afghanistan, Somalia and the Balkans.<br /> Despite rescuing and providing aid to thousands of people in villages throughout southwestern Rwanda, the French army and former officials who served under the late French president Francois Mitterand have come under fire by a cabal of French journalists, researchers, activists, and lobbyists. [14] A number of these critics have built their careers on peddling the official genocide narrative that Hutus were the sole perpetrators of violence in 1994 and Kagame stopped the violence.<br /> Pierre Péan, the first Western journalist to chronicle the crimes and propaganda of the RPF, demonstrated how Tutsis saved by the French army initially reacted with joy and gratitude in July 1994 but in later years accused French soldiers of protecting Hutu perpetrators and standing idly by as Tutsis were bludgeoned to death. Péan also exposed the contradictions and discrepancy in French journalist Patrick Saint-Exupéry’s emotionally-charged account of events, [15] and in 2015, Péan told the French judicial inquiry that the RPF had infiltrated Kibuye ahead of the Bisesero massacres. He said the RPF had established a logistical base on the shores of Lake Kivu, under the cover a health clinic, and transported weapons from the RPF’s base in Kigali, the CND, to Kibuye before French forces arrived in Bisesero.<br /> James Munyandinda said despite Kigali’s propaganda, Rwandans are grateful to French soldiers who served under Operation Turquoise. “Kagame has tried to demonize the French army and claim that its soldiers failed to save Tutsis in Bisesero. But the French army saved thousands of people from the killers…the Hutu militia and Kagame’s network commandos. Rwandans know the French army are heroes.”<br /> Tutsi survivors<br /> Tutsi civilians who were victims of RPF violence or saved by Hutu neighbors, priests or Habyarimana’s military during the genocide have been unable to tell their stories because they are afraid of being killed in Rwanda or hunted down abroad by Kagame’s agents, according to many sources. Survivors have instead chosen to stay silent or agreed to lie in order to protect their families and in many cases benefit from privileges such as jobs, visas and educational opportunities.<br /> One woman I met was deathly frightened of revealing what happened in her village outside Bisesero during and after the genocide. She agreed to share her story but insisted that if she were to identify the individuals who saved her and where she hid, the RPF would be able to figure out her identity and target her and her family. The woman recounted how a Hutu priest in her village — a person she considered a saint — sheltered her and other Tutsis as mobs of Hutu bandits went on a rampage. “We didn’t know where these bandits came from…they fell like locusts and mixed with local Hutus,” she said. She and other Tutsis were later protected and fed by members of Habyrarimana’s gendarmerie. “No one was raped or threatened by Hutu gendarmes or military troops or government leaders where I was,” she explained. Weeks later the gendarmerie brought her back to her village, where in late June she was rescued by French forces. “French soldiers never abandoned Tutsis. They rescued me, and many others. Wherever they were told a Tutsi was hiding, they went to find them. They took every indication of our whereabouts seriously.” The woman also said she saw French troops disarm and arrest Hutu thugs and militia wherever they could.<br /> At the end of July, 1994 French military handed her and other Tutsis over to a French NGO whose staff then transferred them to a zone controlled by the RPF, at which point the unimaginable happened. The females were separated from males and brought to a house where they raped by RPF officers. “I heard girls and women screaming at night…if someone resisted they would be killed the next day.” The woman fled to the forest, escaped Rwanda through Burundi and now lives abroad.<br /> A Tutsi named Léonard, now living in exile, lost most of his relatives in Bisesero. “After RPF seized that zone they continued killing survivors. And after the war, RPF people were very arrogant. They went into bars and talked about what the they did, about how many Tutsis were killed there.”<br /> Many Tutsis know the RPF exterminated their families but are locked in silence.<br /> “Interior Tutsis are desperate. Many of us are finished by this regime. We either have to cooperate or we die.”<br /> [1] There is a vast discrepancy in estimates of Tutsis killed in Bisesero in 1994. The RPF-directed NGO, African Rights, headed by Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal, reported that 50,000 Tutsis were slaughtered in Bisesero in 1994. Human Rights Watch, in its seminal report Leave None to Tell the Story, wrote that a list of people killed in Bisesero totaled 5,100 names. Professor Philip Verwimp estimated there could have been no fewer than approximately 14,000 deaths. Verwimp, Philip, “Death and survival during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda” in Population Studies, Vol. 58, №2, 2004, pp. 233–245.<br /> [2] Insider attacks have long been a war strategy among insurgents, notably in Sierra Leone by the rebel Revolutionary United Front, whose members were often disguised as government soldiers, (see https://fas.org/irp/agency/army/casebookv2.pdf ) and in Afghanistan https://mwi.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Dress-Like-Allies-Kill-Like-Enemies.pdf<br /> [3] Human Rights Watch, Leave None to Tell the Story. 1999<br /> [4] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (Toronto, Random House Canada, 2018), page 60<br /> [5] Juan Mendez, “Accountability for Past Abuses,” Human Rights Quarterly , 19, no. 2, 1997, 255–282, citation p. 278<br /> [6] Munyandinda, who joined the RPF in Uganda in 1991 as a 15-year-old child soldier, was a witness for the French inquiry into the assassination of Habyarimana. In 2017, Munyandinda told Judge Jean-Marc Herbaut that prior to the genocide, he had been put in charge of guarding the missiles used to kill Habyarimana at the RPF’s headquarters in Mulindi.<br /> [7] PL- Liberal Party; PSD- Social Democratic Party ; MDR — Republican Democratic Movement<br /> [8] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, pages 67–68 . The General Report on the Special Investigations Concerning the Crimes Committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) during 1994. Report was submitted October 1, 2003, to Hassan Bubacar Jallow, ICTR Prosecutor,and Melanie Werret, Chief of Prosecutions.<br /> [9] Spanish indictment issued on February 6, 2008, by High Court Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles charging 41 current or former high-ranking Rwandan military officials with serious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism, committed over a period of 12 years, from 1990 to 2002, against the civilian population and primarily against members of the Hutu ethnic group.<br /> [10] Mission d’information sur le Rwanda et le rapport “Turquoise: intervention à Bisesero” par Marin Gillier, Capitaine de frigate, le 30 juin 1998<br /> [11] After seeing victims whose bodies were burned, Officier Gillier later deduced that the sound he believed had been artillery fire was actually from grenades exploding.<br /> [12] Gillier is highly critical of the actions of French Lt. Colonel Jean-Rémy Duval, whose detachment was deployed further north in Kibuye, but not in Bisesero. Duval said he discovered Tutsis were being attacked in his zone and promised to protect them, but Gillier said Duval did not inform his colleagues at the time. If what Duval said is true — and he did not take measures to alert others and take action — then what he did was criminal, Gillier said.<br /> [13] Gillier said after witnessing events in Bisesero, he realized that Hutus were massacring Tutsis, but he did not see first hand the atrocities being committed.<br /> [14] In 2005, a group of genocide survivors, along with the organizations Survie and FIDH (International Federation of Human Rights), accused the French military of abandoning Tutsis in Bisesero. A judicial inquiry into the events formally closed in October 2018, and is expected to be dismissed for lack of evidence.<br /> [15] Pierre Péan. Noires fureurs et blancs menteurs, Éditions Fayard/Mille et une nuits, 2005<br /> This article was first published in French in the magazine Marianne on December 21, 2019. https://www.marianne.net/monde/rwanda-revelations-sur-les-massacres-de-bisesero
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The Genocide of Tutsis in Bisesero<br />  <br /> Curtir 0<br /> By Judi Rever<br /> James Munyandinda, former High Command soldier who says Paul Kagame and commanders James Kabarebe and Charles Kayonga organized killings of Tutsis in Bisesero<br /> “We could see the machete wounds to the head, and on their arms and bodies. They were just emerging from the horror.” — French Vice-Admiral Marin Gillier, upon finding hundreds of wounded Tutsi in the hills of Bisesero in late June, 1994.<br /> Former soldiers who served in Paul Kagame’s army and a Tutsi survivor saved by French soldiers under Operation Turquoise reveal a shocking story that changes our understanding of the Rwandan genocide.<br /> The cadence of Martin’s speech, which is normally swift and steady, abruptly changes when he talks about Bisesero, in southwestern Rwanda, in 1994.<br /> “They killed my mother and father. They killed my two sisters, and my elder and younger brothers,” he told me, his voice soft and breaking. “They used bayonets, small hoes and grenades to slaughter them. I was unable to bury my family and it was pure, psychological torture when I discovered who was responsible.”<br /> Martin, who requested anonymity for reasons of safety, is a Tutsi who grew up in undulating hills of Bisesero. As a young man he joined Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which swept to victory in July 1994 and is credited for staunching the bloodshed against Tutsis.<br /> For 25 years, Kagame has been idealized for liberating a country that was brought to the brink of madness in 1994. Researchers worldwide have taken great pains to comprehend how so many Tutsis could be wiped out so fast in the tiny central African nation over the space of 100 days. The official story told in history books and by survivors living in Kagame’s tightly-controlled Rwanda is that the former Hutu government and its willing executioners were desperate to hold onto power and decided to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi minority, one machete at a time. While there is some disagreement about the number of Tutsi victims who are estimated to be between 500,000 and a million people, there is no historical dispute about the level of brutality and the speed at which Rwandan Tutsis lost their lives from April to July 1994.<br /> Bisesero, a Tutsi stronghold where tens of thousands of victims [1] were hacked, shot or burned to death by mobs of killers, is cited as an example of the “purest” form or genocide against Tutsis in 1994.<br /> And yet there is no doubt in Martin’s mind about the person who ultimately planned and ordered the abominable massacres of Tutsis in Bisesero. He says the mastermind was Paul Kagame himself.<br /> In a country where Hutus and Tutsis largely resemble one another and share the same language and culture, Kagame and his military aides devised a strategy of military deception known as insider attacks. [2] In these schemes, Kagame’s Tutsi soldiers disguised themselves as Hutu militia and attacked civilians. The terror resulting from the carnage produced equal measures of fear and disgust at home and abroad, which provided the RPF with political capital to achieve its tactical, national and international goals.<br /> Infiltrate, disguise and deceive<br /> Martin and four other soldiers who served under Kagame say commandos from the RPF’s battalions infiltrated Hutu militia and slaughtered Tutsis in Bisesero in savage ways. They described RPF commandos seizing Tutsis in their homes or chasing them over hills into ravines, using hoes and homemade cudgels — clubs with nails and sharp pieces of metal — to strike victims in the head and heart.<br /> The sources said hundreds of RPF commandos descended upon Bisesero and its surrounding areas of Mumubuga, Uwingabo, Mataba, Kagari, Ngoma, Muyira and throughout the greater region of Kibuye. Working with Hutu militia known as the Interahamwe, these commandos launched a spate of initial attacks in the region in mid and late May at the height of the genocide. The Interahamwe militia were the youth wing of the ruling, MRND party of President Juvenal Habyarimana, many of whose early recruits were jobless, displaced and hungry. [3] RPF commandos were also known to have infiltrated the militia of Hutu opposition parties. [4]<br /> Tutsis in Bisesero mounted an unusual, stiff resistance during the early phase of militia attacks, fighting off killers with spears and other traditional weapons. Their bravery and strength were so remarkable that Kagame himself called attention to it in one of his speeches: “One major exception to the pattern of defenselessness and desperation stands out in the annals of the grisly period of the genocide. The resistance put up by thousands of mostly unarmed Tutsi at Bisesero in Kibuye Province in the west of Rwanda constitutes a memorial in itself to the determination of one major group of the population to not become victims.” [5]<br /> And yet the RPF, in one of the most deceptive and well-planned operations in 1994, ultimately broke the resistance of Tutsis in Bisesero and ensured they died in the thousands by late June, just as the French army was arriving to provide humanitarian assistance to Rwanda.<br /> Kagame tasked his most trusted senior commanders — James Kaberebe and Charles Kayonga — to organize the Bisesero operation, according to several sources who have fled Rwanda and requested anonymity for reasons of safety. Kabarebe oversaw Kagame’s security guards in the High Command battalion, and Kayonga headed the 3rd battalion stationed in Kigali where commandos transited before being deployed in the regions. The sources have described how Kabarebe and Kayonga flooded the area with increased numbers of commandos and weapons — in particular grenades and guns — and then received military reinforcement from a small group of soldiers from Habyarimana’s army in Kibuye. However a former RPF intelligence official who confirmed the RPF’s leading role in the Bisesero slaughter said the Hutu military had fled the area by late June and was not involved in killing Tutsis there. “That is pure fiction. When Tutsis were killed in Bisesero by the Interahamwe and RPF commandos, the FAR (Hutu army) was on the run.”<br /> Martin says he knows what happened to his family and other Tutsis in Bisesero because the men who were part of the operation told him what happened, and that these men were commandos in Kagame’s battalions.<br /> Five former members of Kagame’s military provided the names of some 40 commandos who killed Tutsis in Bisesero. The commandos were mostly ethnic Tutsis and members of several RPF battalions, including the 11th battalion, the 59th battalion, the 101th battalion and the RPF’s Charlie mobile force. A number of commandos expressed deep remorse for slaughtering Tutsis, according to three of the sources. Some were “sickened” by having killed fellow Tutsis and experienced trauma but had no choice because they feared they’d be executed if they did not obey orders, they said. The names of the commandos have been withheld for reasons of confidentiality and safety. Some commandos were killed by the RPF after the genocide but many of them are still alive and could be eliminated if their names were exposed, according to the sources.<br /> The majority of former military sources who gave me their testimony were too afraid to speak on the record for fear of being killed. Yet one soldier who left Rwanda more than a decade ago has come out of the shadows and agreed to be identified. His name is James Munyandinda, [6] and he was one of Kagame’s close bodyguards in the High Command battalion. Munyandinda is certain that Kagame, Kaberebe and Kayonga directed RPF commandos to kill in Bisesero and throughout Rwanda. He said he heard them talking about the operations on Motorola walkie-talkie radios, in May, June and early July.<br /> “I heard Kagame on Motorala asking Kabarebe how the activities were going in Bisesero. He said ‘do you have news?’ He also asked Kaberebe whether the killings were successful,” said Munyandinda, who accompanied Kagame everywhere as his close bodyguard.<br /> Munyandinda said he also heard Kabarebe asking Kayonga for a situation report in Bisesero. He heard Kaberebe use the word abatabazi, which is Kinyarwanda for “interveners” — a code word for the commandos. Kaberebe also inquired about the number of people slaughtered and Kayonga responded by saying that everything was running “smoothly,” according to Munyandinda.<br /> While the infiltration of killer mobs of Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda was put into place by Kabarebe and Kayonga, a few sources said the plan was conceived, organized and coordinated by two of Kagame’s smartest and most senior commanders: Kayumba Nyamwasa and Emmanuel Karenzi Karake. Nyamwasa was then head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) — and Karake was the RPF’s liaison officer with UNAMIR and the OAU’s Neutral Military Observation Group known as GOMN before the genocide. Karake’s liaison with UNAMIR and GOMN gave him privileged access to the capital and the regions, which enabled him to collect intelligence, oversee infiltration of the entire country, recruit new members, conduct sabotage and organize crimes.<br /> However, Munyandinda said he did not believe that Nyamwasa was involved in organizing or authorizing RPF commando operations to infiltrate Hutu militia. He had no evidence whatsoever, he said, that Nyamwasa had any role in the massacre of Tutsis in Bisesero.. Munyandinda insisted the operation was overseen by the RPF’s High Command, under the authority of Kagame and supervised by Kaberebe and Kayonga. “I do not have any evidence that Nyamwasa, as head of DMI, was involved with the network commandos. The killings of Tutsis in Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda were organized by the High Command, which oversaw many special operations,” he told me.<br /> Political cadres<br /> Sources said that civilian cadres of the RPF, who were known as abakada , worked on the ground with Hutu cadres from various opposition parties such as PL, PSD and MDR [7] to ensure infiltration of Hutu militia. These cadres facilitated Hutu identification cards and managed to falsify MRND membership cards for the commandos to use, according to the sources.<br /> The senior RPF cadres who oversaw operations in Bisesero were from Kibuye, according to the soldiers interviewed. These Tutsi cadres brought grenades and traditional weapons into their homes and convinced other Tutsis to hide weapons at their residences in the months leading up to the genocide.<br /> Sources said the number of commandos deployed across Rwanda was in the several thousands. These infiltrators included Tutsi members of the RPF resembling Hutus and Hutus recruited for commando training by Hutu cadres opposed to Habyarimana’s government.<br /> Sources said Hutu opposition figures worked hand-in-hand with the RPF in this infiltration scheme because they wanted to undermine Habyarimana’s government, both on the ground and in the eyes of the international community, even if it was not clear among these sources whether the Hutu opposition parties knew the full extent of the RPF’s strategy in infiltrating the militias bent on exterminating Tutsis.<br /> Sources said interior Tutsis — Tutsis who grew up in Rwanda unlike others who were raised as refugees in Uganda, Burundi, Congo and Tanzania — were sacrificed as part of the RPF’s greater political ambitions. “Kagame used Tutsis inside the country as a bridge to achieve power. He killed Tutsis and has put a lot of effort into convincing the world that only Hutus were responsible,” said James Munyandinda.<br /> “The whole world is sympathetic to Kagame because he’s made it look like a majority of Hutus killed Tutsis and that he defended the victims in the Rwandan holocaust we all know happened,” another source, a senior officer said. “This is the card that Kagame is still playing today. His strategy all along was to get power and become the leader of the country.”<br /> Getting the Killers Ready<br /> The commando training began in February 1992 and ended in August 1993, according to sources. The RPF secretly trained the commandos in waves, initially at a hidden location called Kavu, in northern Rwanda, before shifting into the nearby Karama valley, which was surrounded by a banana plantation.<br /> “They were shooting, they were running, jumping, training….one group after another. Sometimes 80 men were trained, sometimes 200 or even 300 at a time.<br /> By the end of 1993, the commandos had become a very big group,” a senior officer explained. Soldiers said several thousand young men underwent commando training and were deployed in Kigali and across Rwanda by January 1994, ready to move after the assassination of Habyarimana on April 6, 1994.<br /> Five sources with detailed knowledge of the operation in Bisesero said that a captain nicknamed Kiyago was the ground commander for Kagame’s commandos.<br /> “Kiyago led the commandos in Bisesero and in several other operations,” Munyandinda said, adding: “James Kaberebe received reports directly from Kiyago in the morning and evening, on the Motorola, of activities in the field.”<br /> Captain Kiyago was cited as a perpetrator of grave crimes in a UN confidential investigation. He, among others, is known to have infiltrated Hutu militia on behalf of the RPF, and having participated directly in killing Tutsis. [8] In 2008, he was indicted by a Spanish judge on charges of terrorism for separate offenses committed prior to the genocide. [9] Despite the Spanish indictment and the UN investigation at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Kiyago joined the joint UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur as a director of transport between 2009 and 2011.<br /> Kiyago’s former colleagues describe him as both sadistic and dangerous. “He is someone who would do anything to get ahead and was often used by Kagame,” said an officer who knew Kiyago from their early days fighting together in Yoweri Museveni’s rebel National Resistance Army.<br /> Kiyago, whose actual name is Godfrey Ntukayajemo, is an ethnic Hutu who grew up in Kisoro, in the Rukiga district of Western Uganda, where Rwanda’s longtime intelligence enforcer Jacques Nziza is known to have hailed from. Despite being Hutu, Kiyago became a soldier in Museveni’s rebel army in the 1980s, along with many Rwandan Tutsis living in exile in Uganda. Because of his appearance and accent — “he talked like his Hutu cousins in Ruhengeri,” in northwestern Rwanda, said a senior officer — he was chosen to intfiltrate the interahamwe. “Kiyago was a commander of the RPF’s major missions. He was always on the floor.“<br /> He is alleged to have murdered Felicien Gatabazi, a Hutu opposition politician, in February 1994, an act that spurred greater violence in the run-up to the genocide and provided a taste of the nightmare to come. And Kiyago helped slaughter Lando Ndasingwa and his Canadian wife Hélène Pinsky and their two children after the genocide was unleashed, sources have said. Lando was a Tutsi minister in Habyarimana’s government and was the brother of Louise Mushikiwabo, Kagame’s long serving foreign minister who in 2018 became the secretary general of the Francophonie. Kiyago was convicted for raping and killing a woman and her daughter when their family insisted on reclaiming their house he had seized after the genocide, several sources say. Kiyago spent time in prison but got an early release and became a UN peacekeeper in Sudan. He was initially tapped, in 2011, to assassinate Rwandan dissidents Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, according to recordings obtained in 2014 by the Canadian newspaper, the Globe and Mail, but was ultimately not sent to carry out the job, likely because of the international arrest warrant issued against him by Spain.<br /> Former colleagues who know Kiyago well have pointed to his current Facebook page, under the name Kiyago Godfery. https://www.facebook.com/kiyago.godfery<br /> The account features pictures of him jumping in the air with foreign nationals in Rwanda’s Akagera Park as though he were a tour guide, along with serene photos of his mother, his children, a few women he’s had relationships with, and one of Kagame with his son and daughter in battle fatigues. The account includes sober pictures of him when he was younger, to more recent, relaxed portraits in his middle age. He makes references to his time in Darfur while working as a driver for the United Nations, and posts a doctored, bloody photo of a masked man who has torn his heart out to give to a girl. A post from 2018 says: “only in the darkness can you see the stars,” a variation of a quote from Martin Luther King, Jr.<br /> Kiyago also appears to maintain a dormant Twitter account, https://twitter.com/Godfreykiyago , in which he publicly thanks Kagame for what he’s done for him. The tweets date from 2011.<br /> France: The Fall Guy<br /> One of the most stinging allegations to emerge from the ashes of the Rwandan genocide has been leveled at France for the role its armed forces played in late June and July 1994 in the southwestern prefectures of Kibuye, Gikongoro and Cyangugu, under the UN-mandated humanitarian intervention, Operation Turquoise.<br /> Rwanda says the French army failed to protect Tutsis in Bisesero and instead protected the perpetrators and was complicit in the genocide. France, the only country that intervened to save Rwandan lives in 1994, has called the accusations “monstrous.” Tutsi soldiers and survivors who’ve shared their stories with me say the charges against the French are a thinly-veiled attempt to distract from the RPF’s leading role in the massacre of Tutsis and for years were aimed at pressuring France to drop a judicial investigation into the RPF’s role in assassinating Habyarimana and unleashing the genocide. In December 2018, French judge Jean Marc Herbaut dismissed the case against RPF commanders, citing a lack of sufficient evidence. Lawyers for the civil parties in the case, who include families of the French crew killed in the plane attack, have appealed the ruling.<br /> Vice Admiral Marin Gillier was part of a special forces team from France tasked with finding survivors and setting up a safe haven for them under Operation Turquoise. On June 24, during the first few days of their arrival in Rwanda, they conducted reconnaissance at a Hutu displacement camp in Kirambo and in villages throughout Kibuye, near Bisesero and discovered a traumatized population.<br /> “The people we came upon were traumatized by the ravages of hunger, fear, disease and cruelty. We witnessed suffering everywhere,” he said.<br /> On June 27, during a trip to Gishyita, northwest of Bisesero, villagers told French soldiers that the RPF had completely infiltrated the hills throughout Kibuye and “was trying to divide the country in two.” But Gillier, a captain at the time, did not know what to make of these stories. He nevertheless documented the reports of alleged RPF infiltration and tabled an official account of his observations to a French parliamentary mission in June 1998. [10]<br /> “All day long Rwandans were giving us their accounts. Some of their stories were surely true and others were false. It was hard to know who was trying to manipulate us and why, and what the truth actually was.”<br /> French forces began moving further east, five kilometres to the hills of Bisesero, and heard what they thought was artillery fire [11] coming from RPF forces. Captain Gillier informed his ground commander, Colonel Jacques Rosier. The mandate of Operation Turquoise, issued by the UN Security Council, clearly stipulated that French soldiers could not militarily engage with troops on the ground. French forces were there to protect civilians — with military force if necessary — but were forbidden to fight the RPF or support Habyarimana’s army. In any case, it was clear at that time that his team “did not have the military force or tactical support to intervene effectively.” Gillier’s team had no choice but to wait for attack helicopters equipped with cannons in order to move in and save lives in the middle of a conflict zone. He insists that there was never any hesitation [12] by French forces or the overall commander of Operation Turquoise, General Jean Claude Lafourcade, to save Tutsis in Bisesero, or elsewhere in Rwanda. As soon as the helicopters and other reinforcements arrived, they moved in immediately.<br /> He will never forget the unmitigated suffering he witnessed when he penetrated the hills of Bisesero on June 30, 1994.<br /> “It destroyed me,” said Gillier, who saw hundreds of corpses on the ground, some of them burned from grenade attacks, and many decomposing and bloated which indicated they had been killed days earlier.<br /> And he saw survivors who “were just emerging from the horror. They were lying prostrate. They were depleted and cold.”<br /> “I saw a baby trying to drink from the breast of his mother, and the mother had been beheaded,” he told me.<br /> “A little girl came up to me. She was about as tall as my waist, and she stood there. Her skull was missing bone. It was completely exposed. I could see her brain as she spoke to me.”<br /> The French soldiers took care of the wounded. “We hurried to bring them together, to protect them, to cover them up, to feed and reassure them, to give them medical care.” [13] An estimated 800 Tutsis were saved by the French army in the hills around Bisesero in 1994. “This was the most important mission of my life,” said Gillier, who also served in Afghanistan, Somalia and the Balkans.<br /> Despite rescuing and providing aid to thousands of people in villages throughout southwestern Rwanda, the French army and former officials who served under the late French president Francois Mitterand have come under fire by a cabal of French journalists, researchers, activists, and lobbyists. [14] A number of these critics have built their careers on peddling the official genocide narrative that Hutus were the sole perpetrators of violence in 1994 and Kagame stopped the violence.<br /> Pierre Péan, the first Western journalist to chronicle the crimes and propaganda of the RPF, demonstrated how Tutsis saved by the French army initially reacted with joy and gratitude in July 1994 but in later years accused French soldiers of protecting Hutu perpetrators and standing idly by as Tutsis were bludgeoned to death. Péan also exposed the contradictions and discrepancy in French journalist Patrick Saint-Exupéry’s emotionally-charged account of events, [15] and in 2015, Péan told the French judicial inquiry that the RPF had infiltrated Kibuye ahead of the Bisesero massacres. He said the RPF had established a logistical base on the shores of Lake Kivu, under the cover a health clinic, and transported weapons from the RPF’s base in Kigali, the CND, to Kibuye before French forces arrived in Bisesero.<br /> James Munyandinda said despite Kigali’s propaganda, Rwandans are grateful to French soldiers who served under Operation Turquoise. “Kagame has tried to demonize the French army and claim that its soldiers failed to save Tutsis in Bisesero. But the French army saved thousands of people from the killers…the Hutu militia and Kagame’s network commandos. Rwandans know the French army are heroes.”<br /> Tutsi survivors<br /> Tutsi civilians who were victims of RPF violence or saved by Hutu neighbors, priests or Habyarimana’s military during the genocide have been unable to tell their stories because they are afraid of being killed in Rwanda or hunted down abroad by Kagame’s agents, according to many sources. Survivors have instead chosen to stay silent or agreed to lie in order to protect their families and in many cases benefit from privileges such as jobs, visas and educational opportunities.<br /> One woman I met was deathly frightened of revealing what happened in her village outside Bisesero during and after the genocide. She agreed to share her story but insisted that if she were to identify the individuals who saved her and where she hid, the RPF would be able to figure out her identity and target her and her family. The woman recounted how a Hutu priest in her village — a person she considered a saint — sheltered her and other Tutsis as mobs of Hutu bandits went on a rampage. “We didn’t know where these bandits came from…they fell like locusts and mixed with local Hutus,” she said. She and other Tutsis were later protected and fed by members of Habyrarimana’s gendarmerie. “No one was raped or threatened by Hutu gendarmes or military troops or government leaders where I was,” she explained. Weeks later the gendarmerie brought her back to her village, where in late June she was rescued by French forces. “French soldiers never abandoned Tutsis. They rescued me, and many others. Wherever they were told a Tutsi was hiding, they went to find them. They took every indication of our whereabouts seriously.” The woman also said she saw French troops disarm and arrest Hutu thugs and militia wherever they could.<br /> At the end of July, 1994 French military handed her and other Tutsis over to a French NGO whose staff then transferred them to a zone controlled by the RPF, at which point the unimaginable happened. The females were separated from males and brought to a house where they raped by RPF officers. “I heard girls and women screaming at night…if someone resisted they would be killed the next day.” The woman fled to the forest, escaped Rwanda through Burundi and now lives abroad.<br /> A Tutsi named Léonard, now living in exile, lost most of his relatives in Bisesero. “After RPF seized that zone they continued killing survivors. And after the war, RPF people were very arrogant. They went into bars and talked about what the they did, about how many Tutsis were killed there.”<br /> Many Tutsis know the RPF exterminated their families but are locked in silence.<br /> “Interior Tutsis are desperate. Many of us are finished by this regime. We either have to cooperate or we die.”<br /> [1] There is a vast discrepancy in estimates of Tutsis killed in Bisesero in 1994. The RPF-directed NGO, African Rights, headed by Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal, reported that 50,000 Tutsis were slaughtered in Bisesero in 1994. Human Rights Watch, in its seminal report Leave None to Tell the Story, wrote that a list of people killed in Bisesero totaled 5,100 names. Professor Philip Verwimp estimated there could have been no fewer than approximately 14,000 deaths. Verwimp, Philip, “Death and survival during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda” in Population Studies, Vol. 58, №2, 2004, pp. 233–245.<br /> [2] Insider attacks have long been a war strategy among insurgents, notably in Sierra Leone by the rebel Revolutionary United Front, whose members were often disguised as government soldiers, (see https://fas.org/irp/agency/army/casebookv2.pdf ) and in Afghanistan https://mwi.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Dress-Like-Allies-Kill-Like-Enemies.pdf<br /> [3] Human Rights Watch, Leave None to Tell the Story. 1999<br /> [4] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (Toronto, Random House Canada, 2018), page 60<br /> [5] Juan Mendez, “Accountability for Past Abuses,” Human Rights Quarterly , 19, no. 2, 1997, 255–282, citation p. 278<br /> [6] Munyandinda, who joined the RPF in Uganda in 1991 as a 15-year-old child soldier, was a witness for the French inquiry into the assassination of Habyarimana. In 2017, Munyandinda told Judge Jean-Marc Herbaut that prior to the genocide, he had been put in charge of guarding the missiles used to kill Habyarimana at the RPF’s headquarters in Mulindi.<br /> [7] PL- Liberal Party; PSD- Social Democratic Party ; MDR — Republican Democratic Movement<br /> [8] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, pages 67–68 . The General Report on the Special Investigations Concerning the Crimes Committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) during 1994. Report was submitted October 1, 2003, to Hassan Bubacar Jallow, ICTR Prosecutor,and Melanie Werret, Chief of Prosecutions.<br /> [9] Spanish indictment issued on February 6, 2008, by High Court Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles charging 41 current or former high-ranking Rwandan military officials with serious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism, committed over a period of 12 years, from 1990 to 2002, against the civilian population and primarily against members of the Hutu ethnic group.<br /> [10] Mission d’information sur le Rwanda et le rapport “Turquoise: intervention à Bisesero” par Marin Gillier, Capitaine de frigate, le 30 juin 1998<br /> [11] After seeing victims whose bodies were burned, Officier Gillier later deduced that the sound he believed had been artillery fire was actually from grenades exploding.<br /> [12] Gillier is highly critical of the actions of French Lt. Colonel Jean-Rémy Duval, whose detachment was deployed further north in Kibuye, but not in Bisesero. Duval said he discovered Tutsis were being attacked in his zone and promised to protect them, but Gillier said Duval did not inform his colleagues at the time. If what Duval said is true — and he did not take measures to alert others and take action — then what he did was criminal, Gillier said.<br /> [13] Gillier said after witnessing events in Bisesero, he realized that Hutus were massacring Tutsis, but he did not see first hand the atrocities being committed.<br /> [14] In 2005, a group of genocide survivors, along with the organizations Survie and FIDH (International Federation of Human Rights), accused the French military of abandoning Tutsis in Bisesero. A judicial inquiry into the events formally closed in October 2018, and is expected to be dismissed for lack of evidence.<br /> [15] Pierre Péan. Noires fureurs et blancs menteurs, Éditions Fayard/Mille et une nuits, 2005<br /> This article was first published in French in the magazine Marianne on December 21, 2019. https://www.marianne.net/monde/rwanda-revelations-sur-les-massacres-de-bisesero
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The Genocide of Tutsis in Bisesero<br />  <br /> Curtir 0<br /> By Judi Rever<br /> James Munyandinda, former High Command soldier who says Paul Kagame and commanders James Kabarebe and Charles Kayonga organized killings of Tutsis in Bisesero<br /> “We could see the machete wounds to the head, and on their arms and bodies. They were just emerging from the horror.” — French Vice-Admiral Marin Gillier, upon finding hundreds of wounded Tutsi in the hills of Bisesero in late June, 1994.<br /> Former soldiers who served in Paul Kagame’s army and a Tutsi survivor saved by French soldiers under Operation Turquoise reveal a shocking story that changes our understanding of the Rwandan genocide.<br /> The cadence of Martin’s speech, which is normally swift and steady, abruptly changes when he talks about Bisesero, in southwestern Rwanda, in 1994.<br /> “They killed my mother and father. They killed my two sisters, and my elder and younger brothers,” he told me, his voice soft and breaking. “They used bayonets, small hoes and grenades to slaughter them. I was unable to bury my family and it was pure, psychological torture when I discovered who was responsible.”<br /> Martin, who requested anonymity for reasons of safety, is a Tutsi who grew up in undulating hills of Bisesero. As a young man he joined Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which swept to victory in July 1994 and is credited for staunching the bloodshed against Tutsis.<br /> For 25 years, Kagame has been idealized for liberating a country that was brought to the brink of madness in 1994. Researchers worldwide have taken great pains to comprehend how so many Tutsis could be wiped out so fast in the tiny central African nation over the space of 100 days. The official story told in history books and by survivors living in Kagame’s tightly-controlled Rwanda is that the former Hutu government and its willing executioners were desperate to hold onto power and decided to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi minority, one machete at a time. While there is some disagreement about the number of Tutsi victims who are estimated to be between 500,000 and a million people, there is no historical dispute about the level of brutality and the speed at which Rwandan Tutsis lost their lives from April to July 1994.<br /> Bisesero, a Tutsi stronghold where tens of thousands of victims [1] were hacked, shot or burned to death by mobs of killers, is cited as an example of the “purest” form or genocide against Tutsis in 1994.<br /> And yet there is no doubt in Martin’s mind about the person who ultimately planned and ordered the abominable massacres of Tutsis in Bisesero. He says the mastermind was Paul Kagame himself.<br /> In a country where Hutus and Tutsis largely resemble one another and share the same language and culture, Kagame and his military aides devised a strategy of military deception known as insider attacks. [2] In these schemes, Kagame’s Tutsi soldiers disguised themselves as Hutu militia and attacked civilians. The terror resulting from the carnage produced equal measures of fear and disgust at home and abroad, which provided the RPF with political capital to achieve its tactical, national and international goals.<br /> Infiltrate, disguise and deceive<br /> Martin and four other soldiers who served under Kagame say commandos from the RPF’s battalions infiltrated Hutu militia and slaughtered Tutsis in Bisesero in savage ways. They described RPF commandos seizing Tutsis in their homes or chasing them over hills into ravines, using hoes and homemade cudgels — clubs with nails and sharp pieces of metal — to strike victims in the head and heart.<br /> The sources said hundreds of RPF commandos descended upon Bisesero and its surrounding areas of Mumubuga, Uwingabo, Mataba, Kagari, Ngoma, Muyira and throughout the greater region of Kibuye. Working with Hutu militia known as the Interahamwe, these commandos launched a spate of initial attacks in the region in mid and late May at the height of the genocide. The Interahamwe militia were the youth wing of the ruling, MRND party of President Juvenal Habyarimana, many of whose early recruits were jobless, displaced and hungry. [3] RPF commandos were also known to have infiltrated the militia of Hutu opposition parties. [4]<br /> Tutsis in Bisesero mounted an unusual, stiff resistance during the early phase of militia attacks, fighting off killers with spears and other traditional weapons. Their bravery and strength were so remarkable that Kagame himself called attention to it in one of his speeches: “One major exception to the pattern of defenselessness and desperation stands out in the annals of the grisly period of the genocide. The resistance put up by thousands of mostly unarmed Tutsi at Bisesero in Kibuye Province in the west of Rwanda constitutes a memorial in itself to the determination of one major group of the population to not become victims.” [5]<br /> And yet the RPF, in one of the most deceptive and well-planned operations in 1994, ultimately broke the resistance of Tutsis in Bisesero and ensured they died in the thousands by late June, just as the French army was arriving to provide humanitarian assistance to Rwanda.<br /> Kagame tasked his most trusted senior commanders — James Kaberebe and Charles Kayonga — to organize the Bisesero operation, according to several sources who have fled Rwanda and requested anonymity for reasons of safety. Kabarebe oversaw Kagame’s security guards in the High Command battalion, and Kayonga headed the 3rd battalion stationed in Kigali where commandos transited before being deployed in the regions. The sources have described how Kabarebe and Kayonga flooded the area with increased numbers of commandos and weapons — in particular grenades and guns — and then received military reinforcement from a small group of soldiers from Habyarimana’s army in Kibuye. However a former RPF intelligence official who confirmed the RPF’s leading role in the Bisesero slaughter said the Hutu military had fled the area by late June and was not involved in killing Tutsis there. “That is pure fiction. When Tutsis were killed in Bisesero by the Interahamwe and RPF commandos, the FAR (Hutu army) was on the run.”<br /> Martin says he knows what happened to his family and other Tutsis in Bisesero because the men who were part of the operation told him what happened, and that these men were commandos in Kagame’s battalions.<br /> Five former members of Kagame’s military provided the names of some 40 commandos who killed Tutsis in Bisesero. The commandos were mostly ethnic Tutsis and members of several RPF battalions, including the 11th battalion, the 59th battalion, the 101th battalion and the RPF’s Charlie mobile force. A number of commandos expressed deep remorse for slaughtering Tutsis, according to three of the sources. Some were “sickened” by having killed fellow Tutsis and experienced trauma but had no choice because they feared they’d be executed if they did not obey orders, they said. The names of the commandos have been withheld for reasons of confidentiality and safety. Some commandos were killed by the RPF after the genocide but many of them are still alive and could be eliminated if their names were exposed, according to the sources.<br /> The majority of former military sources who gave me their testimony were too afraid to speak on the record for fear of being killed. Yet one soldier who left Rwanda more than a decade ago has come out of the shadows and agreed to be identified. His name is James Munyandinda, [6] and he was one of Kagame’s close bodyguards in the High Command battalion. Munyandinda is certain that Kagame, Kaberebe and Kayonga directed RPF commandos to kill in Bisesero and throughout Rwanda. He said he heard them talking about the operations on Motorola walkie-talkie radios, in May, June and early July.<br /> “I heard Kagame on Motorala asking Kabarebe how the activities were going in Bisesero. He said ‘do you have news?’ He also asked Kaberebe whether the killings were successful,” said Munyandinda, who accompanied Kagame everywhere as his close bodyguard.<br /> Munyandinda said he also heard Kabarebe asking Kayonga for a situation report in Bisesero. He heard Kaberebe use the word abatabazi, which is Kinyarwanda for “interveners” — a code word for the commandos. Kaberebe also inquired about the number of people slaughtered and Kayonga responded by saying that everything was running “smoothly,” according to Munyandinda.<br /> While the infiltration of killer mobs of Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda was put into place by Kabarebe and Kayonga, a few sources said the plan was conceived, organized and coordinated by two of Kagame’s smartest and most senior commanders: Kayumba Nyamwasa and Emmanuel Karenzi Karake. Nyamwasa was then head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) — and Karake was the RPF’s liaison officer with UNAMIR and the OAU’s Neutral Military Observation Group known as GOMN before the genocide. Karake’s liaison with UNAMIR and GOMN gave him privileged access to the capital and the regions, which enabled him to collect intelligence, oversee infiltration of the entire country, recruit new members, conduct sabotage and organize crimes.<br /> However, Munyandinda said he did not believe that Nyamwasa was involved in organizing or authorizing RPF commando operations to infiltrate Hutu militia. He had no evidence whatsoever, he said, that Nyamwasa had any role in the massacre of Tutsis in Bisesero.. Munyandinda insisted the operation was overseen by the RPF’s High Command, under the authority of Kagame and supervised by Kaberebe and Kayonga. “I do not have any evidence that Nyamwasa, as head of DMI, was involved with the network commandos. The killings of Tutsis in Bisesero and other areas of Rwanda were organized by the High Command, which oversaw many special operations,” he told me.<br /> Political cadres<br /> Sources said that civilian cadres of the RPF, who were known as abakada , worked on the ground with Hutu cadres from various opposition parties such as PL, PSD and MDR [7] to ensure infiltration of Hutu militia. These cadres facilitated Hutu identification cards and managed to falsify MRND membership cards for the commandos to use, according to the sources.<br /> The senior RPF cadres who oversaw operations in Bisesero were from Kibuye, according to the soldiers interviewed. These Tutsi cadres brought grenades and traditional weapons into their homes and convinced other Tutsis to hide weapons at their residences in the months leading up to the genocide.<br /> Sources said the number of commandos deployed across Rwanda was in the several thousands. These infiltrators included Tutsi members of the RPF resembling Hutus and Hutus recruited for commando training by Hutu cadres opposed to Habyarimana’s government.<br /> Sources said Hutu opposition figures worked hand-in-hand with the RPF in this infiltration scheme because they wanted to undermine Habyarimana’s government, both on the ground and in the eyes of the international community, even if it was not clear among these sources whether the Hutu opposition parties knew the full extent of the RPF’s strategy in infiltrating the militias bent on exterminating Tutsis.<br /> Sources said interior Tutsis — Tutsis who grew up in Rwanda unlike others who were raised as refugees in Uganda, Burundi, Congo and Tanzania — were sacrificed as part of the RPF’s greater political ambitions. “Kagame used Tutsis inside the country as a bridge to achieve power. He killed Tutsis and has put a lot of effort into convincing the world that only Hutus were responsible,” said James Munyandinda.<br /> “The whole world is sympathetic to Kagame because he’s made it look like a majority of Hutus killed Tutsis and that he defended the victims in the Rwandan holocaust we all know happened,” another source, a senior officer said. “This is the card that Kagame is still playing today. His strategy all along was to get power and become the leader of the country.”<br /> Getting the Killers Ready<br /> The commando training began in February 1992 and ended in August 1993, according to sources. The RPF secretly trained the commandos in waves, initially at a hidden location called Kavu, in northern Rwanda, before shifting into the nearby Karama valley, which was surrounded by a banana plantation.<br /> “They were shooting, they were running, jumping, training….one group after another. Sometimes 80 men were trained, sometimes 200 or even 300 at a time.<br /> By the end of 1993, the commandos had become a very big group,” a senior officer explained. Soldiers said several thousand young men underwent commando training and were deployed in Kigali and across Rwanda by January 1994, ready to move after the assassination of Habyarimana on April 6, 1994.<br /> Five sources with detailed knowledge of the operation in Bisesero said that a captain nicknamed Kiyago was the ground commander for Kagame’s commandos.<br /> “Kiyago led the commandos in Bisesero and in several other operations,” Munyandinda said, adding: “James Kaberebe received reports directly from Kiyago in the morning and evening, on the Motorola, of activities in the field.”<br /> Captain Kiyago was cited as a perpetrator of grave crimes in a UN confidential investigation. He, among others, is known to have infiltrated Hutu militia on behalf of the RPF, and having participated directly in killing Tutsis. [8] In 2008, he was indicted by a Spanish judge on charges of terrorism for separate offenses committed prior to the genocide. [9] Despite the Spanish indictment and the UN investigation at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Kiyago joined the joint UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur as a director of transport between 2009 and 2011.<br /> Kiyago’s former colleagues describe him as both sadistic and dangerous. “He is someone who would do anything to get ahead and was often used by Kagame,” said an officer who knew Kiyago from their early days fighting together in Yoweri Museveni’s rebel National Resistance Army.<br /> Kiyago, whose actual name is Godfrey Ntukayajemo, is an ethnic Hutu who grew up in Kisoro, in the Rukiga district of Western Uganda, where Rwanda’s longtime intelligence enforcer Jacques Nziza is known to have hailed from. Despite being Hutu, Kiyago became a soldier in Museveni’s rebel army in the 1980s, along with many Rwandan Tutsis living in exile in Uganda. Because of his appearance and accent — “he talked like his Hutu cousins in Ruhengeri,” in northwestern Rwanda, said a senior officer — he was chosen to intfiltrate the interahamwe. “Kiyago was a commander of the RPF’s major missions. He was always on the floor.“<br /> He is alleged to have murdered Felicien Gatabazi, a Hutu opposition politician, in February 1994, an act that spurred greater violence in the run-up to the genocide and provided a taste of the nightmare to come. And Kiyago helped slaughter Lando Ndasingwa and his Canadian wife Hélène Pinsky and their two children after the genocide was unleashed, sources have said. Lando was a Tutsi minister in Habyarimana’s government and was the brother of Louise Mushikiwabo, Kagame’s long serving foreign minister who in 2018 became the secretary general of the Francophonie. Kiyago was convicted for raping and killing a woman and her daughter when their family insisted on reclaiming their house he had seized after the genocide, several sources say. Kiyago spent time in prison but got an early release and became a UN peacekeeper in Sudan. He was initially tapped, in 2011, to assassinate Rwandan dissidents Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya, according to recordings obtained in 2014 by the Canadian newspaper, the Globe and Mail, but was ultimately not sent to carry out the job, likely because of the international arrest warrant issued against him by Spain.<br /> Former colleagues who know Kiyago well have pointed to his current Facebook page, under the name Kiyago Godfery. https://www.facebook.com/kiyago.godfery<br /> The account features pictures of him jumping in the air with foreign nationals in Rwanda’s Akagera Park as though he were a tour guide, along with serene photos of his mother, his children, a few women he’s had relationships with, and one of Kagame with his son and daughter in battle fatigues. The account includes sober pictures of him when he was younger, to more recent, relaxed portraits in his middle age. He makes references to his time in Darfur while working as a driver for the United Nations, and posts a doctored, bloody photo of a masked man who has torn his heart out to give to a girl. A post from 2018 says: “only in the darkness can you see the stars,” a variation of a quote from Martin Luther King, Jr.<br /> Kiyago also appears to maintain a dormant Twitter account, https://twitter.com/Godfreykiyago , in which he publicly thanks Kagame for what he’s done for him. The tweets date from 2011.<br /> France: The Fall Guy<br /> One of the most stinging allegations to emerge from the ashes of the Rwandan genocide has been leveled at France for the role its armed forces played in late June and July 1994 in the southwestern prefectures of Kibuye, Gikongoro and Cyangugu, under the UN-mandated humanitarian intervention, Operation Turquoise.<br /> Rwanda says the French army failed to protect Tutsis in Bisesero and instead protected the perpetrators and was complicit in the genocide. France, the only country that intervened to save Rwandan lives in 1994, has called the accusations “monstrous.” Tutsi soldiers and survivors who’ve shared their stories with me say the charges against the French are a thinly-veiled attempt to distract from the RPF’s leading role in the massacre of Tutsis and for years were aimed at pressuring France to drop a judicial investigation into the RPF’s role in assassinating Habyarimana and unleashing the genocide. In December 2018, French judge Jean Marc Herbaut dismissed the case against RPF commanders, citing a lack of sufficient evidence. Lawyers for the civil parties in the case, who include families of the French crew killed in the plane attack, have appealed the ruling.<br /> Vice Admiral Marin Gillier was part of a special forces team from France tasked with finding survivors and setting up a safe haven for them under Operation Turquoise. On June 24, during the first few days of their arrival in Rwanda, they conducted reconnaissance at a Hutu displacement camp in Kirambo and in villages throughout Kibuye, near Bisesero and discovered a traumatized population.<br /> “The people we came upon were traumatized by the ravages of hunger, fear, disease and cruelty. We witnessed suffering everywhere,” he said.<br /> On June 27, during a trip to Gishyita, northwest of Bisesero, villagers told French soldiers that the RPF had completely infiltrated the hills throughout Kibuye and “was trying to divide the country in two.” But Gillier, a captain at the time, did not know what to make of these stories. He nevertheless documented the reports of alleged RPF infiltration and tabled an official account of his observations to a French parliamentary mission in June 1998. [10]<br /> “All day long Rwandans were giving us their accounts. Some of their stories were surely true and others were false. It was hard to know who was trying to manipulate us and why, and what the truth actually was.”<br /> French forces began moving further east, five kilometres to the hills of Bisesero, and heard what they thought was artillery fire [11] coming from RPF forces. Captain Gillier informed his ground commander, Colonel Jacques Rosier. The mandate of Operation Turquoise, issued by the UN Security Council, clearly stipulated that French soldiers could not militarily engage with troops on the ground. French forces were there to protect civilians — with military force if necessary — but were forbidden to fight the RPF or support Habyarimana’s army. In any case, it was clear at that time that his team “did not have the military force or tactical support to intervene effectively.” Gillier’s team had no choice but to wait for attack helicopters equipped with cannons in order to move in and save lives in the middle of a conflict zone. He insists that there was never any hesitation [12] by French forces or the overall commander of Operation Turquoise, General Jean Claude Lafourcade, to save Tutsis in Bisesero, or elsewhere in Rwanda. As soon as the helicopters and other reinforcements arrived, they moved in immediately.<br /> He will never forget the unmitigated suffering he witnessed when he penetrated the hills of Bisesero on June 30, 1994.<br /> “It destroyed me,” said Gillier, who saw hundreds of corpses on the ground, some of them burned from grenade attacks, and many decomposing and bloated which indicated they had been killed days earlier.<br /> And he saw survivors who “were just emerging from the horror. They were lying prostrate. They were depleted and cold.”<br /> “I saw a baby trying to drink from the breast of his mother, and the mother had been beheaded,” he told me.<br /> “A little girl came up to me. She was about as tall as my waist, and she stood there. Her skull was missing bone. It was completely exposed. I could see her brain as she spoke to me.”<br /> The French soldiers took care of the wounded. “We hurried to bring them together, to protect them, to cover them up, to feed and reassure them, to give them medical care.” [13] An estimated 800 Tutsis were saved by the French army in the hills around Bisesero in 1994. “This was the most important mission of my life,” said Gillier, who also served in Afghanistan, Somalia and the Balkans.<br /> Despite rescuing and providing aid to thousands of people in villages throughout southwestern Rwanda, the French army and former officials who served under the late French president Francois Mitterand have come under fire by a cabal of French journalists, researchers, activists, and lobbyists. [14] A number of these critics have built their careers on peddling the official genocide narrative that Hutus were the sole perpetrators of violence in 1994 and Kagame stopped the violence.<br /> Pierre Péan, the first Western journalist to chronicle the crimes and propaganda of the RPF, demonstrated how Tutsis saved by the French army initially reacted with joy and gratitude in July 1994 but in later years accused French soldiers of protecting Hutu perpetrators and standing idly by as Tutsis were bludgeoned to death. Péan also exposed the contradictions and discrepancy in French journalist Patrick Saint-Exupéry’s emotionally-charged account of events, [15] and in 2015, Péan told the French judicial inquiry that the RPF had infiltrated Kibuye ahead of the Bisesero massacres. He said the RPF had established a logistical base on the shores of Lake Kivu, under the cover a health clinic, and transported weapons from the RPF’s base in Kigali, the CND, to Kibuye before French forces arrived in Bisesero.<br /> James Munyandinda said despite Kigali’s propaganda, Rwandans are grateful to French soldiers who served under Operation Turquoise. “Kagame has tried to demonize the French army and claim that its soldiers failed to save Tutsis in Bisesero. But the French army saved thousands of people from the killers…the Hutu militia and Kagame’s network commandos. Rwandans know the French army are heroes.”<br /> Tutsi survivors<br /> Tutsi civilians who were victims of RPF violence or saved by Hutu neighbors, priests or Habyarimana’s military during the genocide have been unable to tell their stories because they are afraid of being killed in Rwanda or hunted down abroad by Kagame’s agents, according to many sources. Survivors have instead chosen to stay silent or agreed to lie in order to protect their families and in many cases benefit from privileges such as jobs, visas and educational opportunities.<br /> One woman I met was deathly frightened of revealing what happened in her village outside Bisesero during and after the genocide. She agreed to share her story but insisted that if she were to identify the individuals who saved her and where she hid, the RPF would be able to figure out her identity and target her and her family. The woman recounted how a Hutu priest in her village — a person she considered a saint — sheltered her and other Tutsis as mobs of Hutu bandits went on a rampage. “We didn’t know where these bandits came from…they fell like locusts and mixed with local Hutus,” she said. She and other Tutsis were later protected and fed by members of Habyrarimana’s gendarmerie. “No one was raped or threatened by Hutu gendarmes or military troops or government leaders where I was,” she explained. Weeks later the gendarmerie brought her back to her village, where in late June she was rescued by French forces. “French soldiers never abandoned Tutsis. They rescued me, and many others. Wherever they were told a Tutsi was hiding, they went to find them. They took every indication of our whereabouts seriously.” The woman also said she saw French troops disarm and arrest Hutu thugs and militia wherever they could.<br /> At the end of July, 1994 French military handed her and other Tutsis over to a French NGO whose staff then transferred them to a zone controlled by the RPF, at which point the unimaginable happened. The females were separated from males and brought to a house where they raped by RPF officers. “I heard girls and women screaming at night…if someone resisted they would be killed the next day.” The woman fled to the forest, escaped Rwanda through Burundi and now lives abroad.<br /> A Tutsi named Léonard, now living in exile, lost most of his relatives in Bisesero. “After RPF seized that zone they continued killing survivors. And after the war, RPF people were very arrogant. They went into bars and talked about what the they did, about how many Tutsis were killed there.”<br /> Many Tutsis know the RPF exterminated their families but are locked in silence.<br /> “Interior Tutsis are desperate. Many of us are finished by this regime. We either have to cooperate or we die.”<br /> [1] There is a vast discrepancy in estimates of Tutsis killed in Bisesero in 1994. The RPF-directed NGO, African Rights, headed by Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal, reported that 50,000 Tutsis were slaughtered in Bisesero in 1994. Human Rights Watch, in its seminal report Leave None to Tell the Story, wrote that a list of people killed in Bisesero totaled 5,100 names. Professor Philip Verwimp estimated there could have been no fewer than approximately 14,000 deaths. Verwimp, Philip, “Death and survival during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda” in Population Studies, Vol. 58, №2, 2004, pp. 233–245.<br /> [2] Insider attacks have long been a war strategy among insurgents, notably in Sierra Leone by the rebel Revolutionary United Front, whose members were often disguised as government soldiers, (see https://fas.org/irp/agency/army/casebookv2.pdf ) and in Afghanistan https://mwi.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Dress-Like-Allies-Kill-Like-Enemies.pdf<br /> [3] Human Rights Watch, Leave None to Tell the Story. 1999<br /> [4] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (Toronto, Random House Canada, 2018), page 60<br /> [5] Juan Mendez, “Accountability for Past Abuses,” Human Rights Quarterly , 19, no. 2, 1997, 255–282, citation p. 278<br /> [6] Munyandinda, who joined the RPF in Uganda in 1991 as a 15-year-old child soldier, was a witness for the French inquiry into the assassination of Habyarimana. In 2017, Munyandinda told Judge Jean-Marc Herbaut that prior to the genocide, he had been put in charge of guarding the missiles used to kill Habyarimana at the RPF’s headquarters in Mulindi.<br /> [7] PL- Liberal Party; PSD- Social Democratic Party ; MDR — Republican Democratic Movement<br /> [8] Judi Rever, In Praise of Blood, pages 67–68 . The General Report on the Special Investigations Concerning the Crimes Committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) during 1994. Report was submitted October 1, 2003, to Hassan Bubacar Jallow, ICTR Prosecutor,and Melanie Werret, Chief of Prosecutions.<br /> [9] Spanish indictment issued on February 6, 2008, by High Court Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles charging 41 current or former high-ranking Rwandan military officials with serious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism, committed over a period of 12 years, from 1990 to 2002, against the civilian population and primarily against members of the Hutu ethnic group.<br /> [10] Mission d’information sur le Rwanda et le rapport “Turquoise: intervention à Bisesero” par Marin Gillier, Capitaine de frigate, le 30 juin 1998<br /> [11] After seeing victims whose bodies were burned, Officier Gillier later deduced that the sound he believed had been artillery fire was actually from grenades exploding.<br /> [12] Gillier is highly critical of the actions of French Lt. Colonel Jean-Rémy Duval, whose detachment was deployed further north in Kibuye, but not in Bisesero. Duval said he discovered Tutsis were being attacked in his zone and promised to protect them, but Gillier said Duval did not inform his colleagues at the time. If what Duval said is true — and he did not take measures to alert others and take action — then what he did was criminal, Gillier said.<br /> [13] Gillier said after witnessing events in Bisesero, he realized that Hutus were massacring Tutsis, but he did not see first hand the atrocities being committed.<br /> [14] In 2005, a group of genocide survivors, along with the organizations Survie and FIDH (International Federation of Human Rights), accused the French military of abandoning Tutsis in Bisesero. A judicial inquiry into the events formally closed in October 2018, and is expected to be dismissed for lack of evidence.<br /> [15] Pierre Péan. Noires fureurs et blancs menteurs, Éditions Fayard/Mille et une nuits, 2005<br /> This article was first published in French in the magazine Marianne on December 21, 2019. https://www.marianne.net/monde/rwanda-revelations-sur-les-massacres-de-bisesero
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Noheri nziza Christophe. kuri iyi si ya rurema sindabona ubwoko bubi nk'abanyarwanda. Uti kuki nagize amahirwe yo kurokoka ubwicanyi bwo mu Rwanda muri 1994 nyuma ngeze Congo naho mparokokera ubwicanyi haba mu Rwanda kugera Congo ni umunyarwanda wahigaga undi munyarwanda. Ubu cyakora nariyubatse aho ndi ndatekanye kandi ubu nabonye n'ubwenegihugu.nkunda gukurikirana amakuru yo mu Rwanda nayo hanze yarwo. Iyo mbonye ibyo abanyarwanda bandika mbona ko ibyabaye nta somo byadusigiye namba. Nagize amahirwe yo kugenda ibihugu byinshi bya Afrika kandi naho hagiye haba coup d'état cg intambara ariko nyuma ntihabe ubwicanyi nkubwabaye iwacu. Nibarize basomyi turwaye iyihe ndwara abanyarwanda. Nsoma vertas info ariko iyo mbonye abantu nka ba Christophe bishimira ko abana b'u Rwanda bari gupfa birambabaza cyane. Mukinyejana tugezemo ntibyagombye kubaho. <br /> Ese twibaze niba u Rwanda ari paradizo kuki abanyarwanda barusohokamo kubwinshi? Yewe aho ntuye hari benshi bagiyeyo bagaruka birukanka basubira kuri assistance sociale. Hermann wa FLN twese tuzi ukuntu mwene nyina yicwe ubu hakaba nta enquête yakozwe nanjye ndiwe nari kujya kurugamba rwose kuko ubutegetsi bwica abaturage babwo ntacyo bumaze nubwo kurwanya nta kabuza. Christophe rero nziko uzi ukuri kose gusa kubera indamu uza kuyobya abantu hano ubaha amakuru atariyo
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FLN yatwijeje ko Noheli ya 2019 itazagera itarafata Kigali igakuraho Kagame. Ese veritasinfo ko itakitubwira amakuru y'aho FLN igeze ifata Kigali ko mu minsi ishize yari yarashikoye ihora ivuga amakuru ya FLN itubwira ukuntu yirukanye Ingabo z'u Rwanda muri Nyungwe? Nizeye ko FLN ubu igeze ku giti cy'inyoni ifata u Rwanda naho ubundi abandika kuri veritasinfo baba ari abantu b'imbwa bahora batubwira ibinyoma bijyanye n'amarangamutima yabo yo gufana nyakwigendera FLN. Nizeye ko kuri Noheli y'uyu mwaka Wilson IRATEGEKA azaba yasohorotse muri Parike ya Kahuzi Biega aho yagotewe n'Ingabo za Congo akazaba arimo abyina intsinzi kuko FLN izaba yafashe u Rwanda. Sha interahamwe muri ibigoryi murakavuna umuheto. Mwebwe nta ntambara nimwe muzashoza ku Rwanda ngo muyitsinde. Njya mbona muhora muvuga ngo hasigaye gato ngo nidutegereze ariko ibyo hagiye gushira imyaka 30 mubivuga ariko ntacyo byatanze. Ibyo muhora muvuga rero ngo hasigaye gato mugakuraho Kagame babyita kurota nabi, Kandi uwarose nabi burinda bucya. Dore na NKURUNZIZA w'i Burundi wari warabijeje ubufasha mu minsi ishize yakubiswe n'inkuba atazi aho iturutse none ubu yarahahamutse ntiyakongera kubiteza ngo arabafasha kuko mwamwizezaga ko 2019 izarangira mwarafashe Kigali, kubera ikintu yakubiswe ubu Ingabo ze zirimo ziratoroka igisirikare cy'u Burundi buri munsi, ntizigishoboye kurwana intambara NKURUNZIZA yazishoyemo zitanazi impamvu yayo kuko itareba abarundi. MUSEVENI nawe yacitse intege zo kubafasha kuko ntako atagize abaha inkunga zose mwamusabye ariko ntiyarazi ko nta muntu wagerageje gufasha interahamwe ngo bimugwe neza. Ka niwe uhora abagira inama yo kwemera intsinzwi ariko mwaranze ubwo murashaka gushirira ku icumu kuko nabonye mushoza intambara akaba arimwebwe ihitana ku bwinshi kurusha abo mwayishojeho. Ibyo byo guhora muvuga ngo umuntu wese ubabwije ukuri aba ari umu DMI Ni bwa bugoryi bwanyu bwo kwanga kumva ukuri ari nabyo bigiye gutuma mupfa mugashira mwarangiza mukabeshyera abazungu.
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FLN yatwijeje ko Noheli ya 2019 itazagera itarafata Kigali igakuraho Kagame. Ese veritasinfo ko itakitubwira amakuru y'aho FLN igeze ifata Kigali ko mu minsi ishize yari yarashikoye ihora ivuga amakuru ya FLN itubwira ukuntu yirukanye Ingabo z'u Rwanda muri Nyungwe? Nizeye ko FLN ubu igeze ku giti cy'inyoni ifata u Rwanda naho ubundi abandika kuri veritasinfo baba ari abantu b'imbwa bahora batubwira ibinyoma bijyanye n'amarangamutima yabo yo gufana nyakwigendera FLN. Nizeye ko kuri Noheli y'uyu mwaka Wilson IRATEGEKA azaba yasohorotse muri Parike ya Kahuzi Biega aho yagotewe n'Ingabo za Congo akazaba arimo abyina intsinzi kuko FLN izaba yafashe u Rwanda. Sha interahamwe muri ibigoryi murakavuna umuheto. Mwebwe nta ntambara nimwe muzashoza ku Rwanda ngo muyitsinde. Njya mbona muhora muvuga ngo hasigaye gato ngo nidutegereze ariko ibyo hagiye gushira imyaka 30 mubivuga ariko ntacyo byatanze. Ibyo muhora muvuga rero ngo hasigaye gato mugakuraho Kagame babyita kurota nabi, Kandi uwarose nabi burinda bucya. Dore na NKURUNZIZA w'i Burundi wari warabijeje ubufasha mu minsi ishize yakubiswe n'inkuba atazi aho iturutse none ubu yarahahamutse ntiyakongera kubiteza ngo arabafasha kuko mwamwizezaga ko 2019 izarangira mwarafashe Kigali, kubera ikintu yakubiswe ubu Ingabo ze zirimo ziratoroka igisirikare cy'u Burundi buri munsi, ntizigishoboye kurwana intambara NKURUNZIZA yazishoyemo zitanazi impamvu yayo kuko itareba abarundi. MUSEVENI nawe yacitse intege zo kubafasha kuko ntako atagize abaha inkunga zose mwamusabye ariko ntiyarazi ko nta muntu wagerageje gufasha interahamwe ngo bimugwe neza. Ka niwe uhora abagira inama yo kwemera intsinzwi ariko mwaranze ubwo murashaka gushirira ku icumu kuko nabonye mushoza intambara akaba arimwebwe ihitana ku bwinshi kurusha abo mwayishojeho. Ibyo byo guhora muvuga ngo umuntu wese ubabwije ukuri aba ari umu DMI Ni bwa bugoryi bwanyu bwo kwanga kumva ukuri ari nabyo bigiye gutuma mupfa mugashira mwarangiza mukabeshyera abazungu.
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Nyamara kwica ntabwo ariyo solution. <br /> <br /> Niba warakoresheje iturufu yo gutera igihugu ukoreshesheje impunzi ziri hanze, ibyo ntibivuze ko, kugirango urambe ku butegetsi ugomba kwica impunzi zose ziri hanze.<br /> <br /> RPF izisandaza ubwayo. Kugendera kuri bombe atomique yacu bita "ikinyoma", no kwica, sinzi avenir yabyo.<br /> <br /> Tubitege amaso. Nyamara ibyo byereka abantu UBWOBA MUFITE, no kutigira icyizere (confiance en soi). Mwice mwice mwiceeeeee. Imana niyo nkuru.
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Karega urakoze nta bapfira gushira erega kandi ukuri kuratsinda kagame n'ibyihebe bye hari akantu gato kazabihisha nyuma batungurwe bibwira ko kwica aricyo gisubizo. Abarinzi bajya inama n'inyoni zikajya indi. Cyakora twagushije ishyano kuva inyenzi zatera urwanda. Kuva 1990 -2024 ni amarira gusa. Mvuze 2024 kuko kiriya kohebe k'igisahiranda kizaba kikiri kwivuruguta mubyacu
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Mwene data Mr Karamira ko utakiboneka ngo ubwize ukuri imisega y'inyenzi ni gute ?!
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Ibyo muri afurika birasekeje, kuburyo nuwafata ihene akayambika ikoti, hanyuma akayicaza kuntebe, yakora discours yo guhebeba ngo meheeeee, hari abajya bakoma amashyi ngo ihene irarivuze ! Muzarebe iriya ngagi ariyo yonyine inanutse kw'isi kubera uburwayi bwa SIDA n'umushiha mwinshi ariyo rwabujindiri, 90% y'ibyo ivuga aba ari amahomvu, ariko urebye amashyi ibigarasha bikoma , bitera kwibaza byinshi k'ubugoryi bw'inyenzi ! Akantu kakihanukira ngo namwe muri hano harimo abanzi kandi nzabereka, ukabona byose byasamiye rimwe ngo aaaahhiiiiiiii amashyi n'impundu reka reka sinakubwira. Ibicucu biragwira, ariko inyenzi zo zirarenze
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@kilimambogoboys<br /> <br /> Sinzi nimba warumvise Dictateur Caligula. Uyu mugabo wabaye empereur wa Rome, abaturage bamwitaga IHENE kubera ko atarazi kuvuga. Iyo numvise discours za Kagame haba iKinyarwanda, icyongereza nje numva umuntu ari guhebeba bikanyibutsa Caligula. I<br /> <br /> Ubundi ntabwo abantu bose bagomba kuvuga neza, ariko ikibazo cya Mayibobo nuko kubera ko atazi kuvuga yafunze abazi kuvuga neza nka Ingabire umunwa. Ni nk' umuntu utazi kuririmba wabuza abahanzi kuririmba maze akajya ariwe wenyine uririmba
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Bonne analyse Mr Boniface Musavuli !
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Nimubona inyezi iriguhomvomvwa hano ndavuga DMI zakagame zifite ibyozihaze zije kuruka hano<br /> <br /> NB ntihakagire usoma ibyo ziba zanditse<br /> <br /> cyangwa ngo ayisubize plz<br /> nizibona ntawanditse kuri comment yayo izasubira ku gihe no kuri rushyasha zinkomamashi
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K
Kagame yataye umutwe, inkotanyi yohereje muri Congo arazimarira ku icumu kuko yazitumye kwica abakuru b'ingabo za FLN none byarazinaniwe, amakuru yizewe aremeza ko Wilson Irategeka umuyobozi wa CNRD yamaze kugera mu gihugu cy'abaturanyi aho acungiwe umutekano ku buryo bukomeye naho Général Jeva akaba yamaze gusanga FLN muri Nyungwe!! Ni mube mutegereje gato murebe umukino n'uburyo inkotanyi ziri kwiruka ibihuru muri Congo zica impunzi ngo ziri gushaka Wilson!! Umenya ziriya nkotanyi nazo zirigumira muri Congo kuko nizitaha Kagame azazohereza muri Rweru!
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K
100% d'accord
G
Kagame we????!!!!Warabyaye?Ufite abana?Abana bawe niba ubafite ni bazima?Baratekereza?Numva ngo ufite umugore witwa MURUTUBARWE?Muracyabana?Muravugana?Ibise yagize abyara abana be,bingana n'abana afite ntacyo bimwibutsa iyo abonye iliya foto ya ruliya ruhinja uhanganye na rwo ururasa rwitangiliye itama,rudashobora kwitabara?Ese abo bana bawe niba ubafite bagira umutima?roho?impuhwe?bakubaza niba wakwishimira ko bafatwa nka ruliya ruhinja?Ese ugira abakugira inama?Batali babandi wohereza hano gutukana no kwamamaza ibinyoma byawe?Ndavuga bamwe wazamuye ku rwego rw'abajyanama bawe ubavanye ku kazi bali bazobereyemo ko gukata imitwe y'abantu nkuko bakata amakahu.Bamwe muli bo ni:NDAHIRO warahiye kuzarangiza umuhutu wese wize cg uzi gushishoza akoresheje icyaha cya genocide na ideology yayo,NTWALI,CHRISTOPH,MUTWA,TRUTH( LIES)TELLER,...etc dore ko bavuka nk'iseneni.Aba simbita abajyanama bawe kuko mbabona buli munsi bagucukulira URWABAYANGA iyo barakaza abanyarwanda bakuvuga ibigwi utagira aho kuvuga ubugome n'ubugwali bwawe.Nakubaza niba barya ujya kurahiza hato na hato mu ngoro ya CND niba hali abatinyuka bakakwereka ko uzikoraho.Igisubizo ndakizi ni BAKARAME MWIDISHYI.Ubu se uli kumwe nande?Reba ruliya ruhinja wirebe!!!Abawe ejo bazaba bifuza gufotorwa bitangiliye itama badashobora kubihabwa.Go ahead!!!
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K
nibyo kabisa ...hari ibyana by'inyenzi bisigaye byarahinduye kagome ikigirwamana cyabyo, kuburyo fpr inkotanyi yabaye idini (rya shitani), intumwa yayo ikaba imbwa mujeri kagome, abayoboke bayo aribo inyenzi, ubu fanatisme bwabo bumeze nk'ubwo abarabu bafitiye muhamadi, kuburyo kuri bimwe mubyana by'inyenzi, kagome arusha agaciro ababyeyi babyo. Ndahamya ko igihe uriya musega kavunamuheto kagome uzaba wakunutse usigaye ubarizwa ikuzimu, hari inyenzi zizakomeza kuwusenga nk'ikigirwamana...!