Crise au Burundi: l'envoi de casques bleus jugé prématuré par l'ONU

Publié le par veritas

A New York, le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies se penchait lundi 30 novembre sur le cas du Burundi. La dernière fois, le 12 novembre, une résolution avait décidé que le nouvel émissaire de l'ONU pour le Burundi, Jamal Benomar, avancerait des propositions concrètes pour y régler la crise qui dure depuis plus de six mois. Le diplomate marocain a ainsi présenté les différentes options possibles afin de mettre fin aux violences qui ont fait plus de 250 morts et provoqué le déplacement de 280 000 personnes ces six derniers mois.
 
Les hypothèses d’une mission politique spéciale ou d’une opération de maintien de la paix ont été présentées, mais en l’absence de conflit armé ouvert, on en est encore loin. Pour le moment, côté onusien, on s’oriente plutôt vers l’envoi d’une équipe de soutien au dialogue politique entre pouvoir et opposition.
 
Blocages
 
Vu le blocage de la situation, l’ambassadeur britannique à l’ONU Matthew Rycroft considère cela comme « un minimum ». « Il n’y a pas de dialogue entre les partis actuellement au Burundi. Il y a un processus mené par le président Museveni de l’Ouganda, mais en fait il n’y a pas de fond, pas de substance dans ce dialogue. Et donc la première question pour nous tous autour de la table, c’est : "comment peut-on pousser les parties vers ce vrai dialogue ?" »
 
Pour mettre un peu plus la pression sur le régime, mais aussi sur certains membres de l’opposition qui ne participent pas à l’apaisement, le Conseil de sécurité envisage de se rendre prochainement sur place, à Bujumbura, comme il l’avait fait en mars dernier.
 
Moins d’un an après avoir dû mettre un terme à sa longue présence politique au Burundi, l’ONU espère pouvoir de nouveau peser diplomatiquement et rétablir la sérénité dans le pays.
 
RFI

Commenter cet article

Burundi refugees 02/12/2015 15:23

Rwanda Conscripts Burundian Refugees into New “Rebel Force”: An Interview with Jeff Drumtra

Submitted by Ann Garrison on Tue, 12/01/2015 - 11:48
Ann Garrison's picture

Burundi

Share this story...

Forward logo Forward
Print HTML logo Print HTML
Reddit logo Reddit
Viadeo logo Viadeo
inShare

by Ann Garrison

Rwandan Tutsi dictator Paul Kagame came to power as a leader of a Uganda-based rebel army that invaded Rwanda, plunging the nation a into civil war that ended in the deaths of hundreds of thousands. Now Kagame’s Rwanda is recruiting refugees from neighboring Burundi into a rebel army that will eventually invade Burundi. Another “genocide” could be in the making – with full U.S. knowledge and collaboration.
Rwanda Conscripts Burundian Refugees into New “Rebel Force”: An Interview with Jeff Drumtra
by Ann Garrison

“Everyone’s fear is that the violence in Burundi could flip into wholesale ethnic violence.”

Western press and officials now warn that the Rwandan massacres of 1994 are close to a replay in Rwanda’s neighbor Burundi, which shares its Hutu-Tutsi-Twa demographic. Prominent Western voices blame Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza for seeking and winning a third term in office, but critics of U.S. and E.U. foreign policy say that their real issues are Western firms’ loss to Russian and Chinese firms in the scramble for Burundi’s natural resources, most notably its nickel reserves, and Burundi’s geostrategic border with the resource-rich Democratic Republic of the Congo.

In “Burundi’s dangerous neighbor,” a letter to the Washington Post, former U.N. official Jeff Drumtra argues that the Rwandan government’s conscription of Burundian refugees to fight in a new, so-called “rebel force” is a grave danger that the international community should recognize before it’s too late.

Drumtra returned several weeks ago from five months work in Rwanda’s Mahama Refugee Camp for Burundian refugees near the Rwandan Burundian border. I spoke to him on Nov. 14, 2015. He stressed that his employment contract with the U.N. had been completed several weeks before and that he was not speaking in any official capacity.

Ann Garrison: Jeff Drumtra, in your Washington Post letter, “Burundi’s dangerous neighbor,” you said that you worked for five months as a U.N. official in Rwanda’s Mahama Refugee Camp for Burundian refugees. Could you tell us what your responsibilities there were?

Jeff Drumtra: Well, Mahama Camp in Rwanda had about 45,000 Burundian refugees. It was created in April. I was part of the U.N. emergency team that went in there to respond to the massive Burundian refugee influx that was coming into Rwanda. And on an emergency team, you do whatever needs to be done in the first weeks and months of an emergency.

So, my primary responsibilities were to deal with journalists coming to the camp, and it was a very high profile camp. Also, facilitating visits by diplomats, representatives of other governments who would come to the camp. Their money is going into paying for the international assistance that the U.N. was providing.

I was also filing daily reports for the U.N. team. These were internal reports, within the U.N. system, things that were going on in the camp every day: progress being made to deal with health issues, nutrition, food distribution, shelter, water, sanitation. All of this has to be set up in the first weeks and months of creating a refugee camp.

But another part of my responsibilities was to do what we call “protection,” which means to try to monitor the physical safety of refugees in the camp and also make sure that their legal rights are not being violated, and doing that kind of protection work really gets you into some of the more subtle issues that go on in a refugee camp.

AG: And how did you experience what you called, in your Washington Post letter, “the intimidating power of the military recruitment effort by the Rwandan government” there?

JD: Well, the military recruitment, much of it would happen at night, when international staff like myself were not in the camp. Under U.N. security restrictions, we’re required to leave the camp before nightfall every evening.

And so a lot of this would happen at night, but we would gradually piece together what was happening, as refugees who were very afraid of being forced into a rebel army, forced to go into combat, would come to talk to us with their fears, their concerns. And we gradually pieced together the story of what was happening and various eyewitness accounts from the refugees themselves of who was involved in this massive recruitment effort, and it gradually became clearer and clearer to us that this was not just a few refugees who were trying to recruit a rebel force, but that there was the hand of the Rwandan government involved – police officers, intelligence officers.

And certainly I felt the effects of that. I had refugees coming to me who were extremely afraid, very much afraid of what might happen to them.

AG: Do you mean what might happen to them if they refused the recruitment?

JD: What might happen to them if they refused to be recruited. They did receive death threats, telling them that “you really have no choice, you must agree to join the force that’s being created.” So they had death threats.

Some of them were afraid to sleep in their tents at night and would spend the night in the latrines, trying to escape because a lot of this would happen at night, and so they would sometimes be afraid to go into their tents at night. And so the ones who were most afraid took the risk of talking to a U.N. team, which itself was a risk, because the U.N. team, including myself, was under constant surveillance in the camp by Rwandan government officials.

And so we certainly felt the effects of that surveillance and it made our work more difficult, but gradually we did piece together what was happening in terms of recruitment – usually refugee young males, middle aged males being moved out of the camp, presumably for military training and then onward for whatever the eventual mission was meant to be.

AG: And these were Burundian refugees being drafted by the Rwandan army for some kind of mission in Burundi, right?

JD: They were Burundian refugees being conscripted by Rwandan officials to form their own rebel force. We saw no evidence that these individuals, these refugees, were integrated into the Rwandan military. That’s not what we think was happening or is happening. Instead, it was the creation of a new rebel force that was being put together under the guiding hand of Rwandan officials.

AG: You also wrote that “U.N. officials and the U.S. government are aware of the Rwandan government’s recruitment campaign.” Could you explain how U.N. officials and the U.S. government know – and how you know that they know?

JD: Well, U.N. officials know because they were receiving the regular reporting that was coming from my team, and we were reporting on a daily and then a weekly and a monthly basis. And we would analyze this and we would report this up the chain, and so we know that U.N. officials at higher levels knew about this because they had access to the internal reporting that we were generating.

U.S. officials and officials of other governments who visited the camp knew about this eventually because they said they did. They would ask about it. They had heard about it.

There was some coverage of this issue as early as late July by some members of the international media. Not the U.S. media, but the international media. And so close observers of the situation in Rwanda and Burundi began to understand what was happening as early as late July. Now those of us working in the camp every day began to understand in early June.

But foreign diplomats would come to the camp because, again, their governments were providing financial support to the humanitarian assistance effort, so they would come to the camp and want to look around and see how their money was being used. And inevitably, during their visit, this issue would come up. They would ask about it. So they knew.

They oftentimes did not know how the recruitment was happening or how pervasive it was, but, by midsummer, some of the more astute governments paying close attention had figured out that some kind of military recruitment was happening in Mahama Refugee Camp.

AG: And why is it significant that the U.N. and the U.S. government are aware of this?

JD: Well, it’s significant that governments are aware of this because, if they are aware of it, then they can exert pressure. They can exert diplomatic pressure either behind the scenes, quietly, on the Rwandan government to cease this activity or, if that doesn’t work, they can go more public.

My impression is that, up to this point in time, the pressure that they exerted has been more behind the scenes. Constructive diplomacy, if you will. And it has not stopped the recruitment.

At times perhaps it slowed down the recruitment, but it most certainly has not brought the military recruitment to a stop. And, ultimately, some of the governments, including the U.S. government could always take a stronger position, going beyond just quiet diplomacy or even public diplomacy but getting to the point of considering sanctions against the Rwandan government.

So those are all tools that the U.S. government has and whether they are ready to use those tools or not, I don’t know. I don’t have access to their internal discussions. But it’s significant that they know it, because they can’t come back – governments can’t come back – months from now when it’s too late and say they didn’t know about this.

They do know about it. We know they know about it. They’ve asked about it. And I think some governments have other methods to monitor the situation and collect information on this kind of activity. So it’s not a secret, and it needs to be talked about more openly to try to impose some accountability.

AG: Did you see any sign that the U.S. is actually encouraging the recruitment?

JD: That the U.S. is encouraging the recruitment?

AG: Yes, the U.S. has a historically very close relationship with the Rwandan military, and there are many people who believe this. But, that doesn’t mean it’s true.

JD: No, I saw no signs of that, and this is the first time that notion has ever even been presented to me. Every indication that I ever had, both when I was in Rwanda as well as since returning from Rwanda a couple weeks ago, is that the U.S. government is extremely concerned about military recruitment in Rwanda and in Mahama Camp. I’ve never had any sense that the U.S. government would support that. But I’m not inside the U.S. government, so I can’t speak authoritatively on that.

AG: Is it possible that easing the tension is best left to Rwandans and Burundians?

JD: I think this is an issue that needs international diplomatic attention, including by the U.S. government, and it is possible that diplomatic pressure by the U.N. and others has already had some beneficial effect. There is not as yet a full blown rebel invasion into Burundi.

There is violence, perhaps there are things going on, but there were periods of time when the recruitment in the camp did slow down. We can only guess about the reasons, but perhaps diplomatic pressure played a role. But there was always the sense that the recruitment network remained in place and that the recruitment network would continue to function, and I think that’s proven to be the case right up to the current time.

AG: Today, Agence France Presse reported that “Burundian insurgents” boasted of firing mortars at the presidential palace in Bujumbura – that is, at President Nkurunziza’s residence. Do you have anything to say about what this could mean?

JD: Well, it’s hard for me to analyze that because that happened inside Burundi – I was on the other side of the border in Rwanda – but I can say, having worked on issues of Rwanda and Burundi on and off for more than 20 years, that we know, historically, that the violence gets worse and the risk of mass atrocities becomes much more serious when both sides feel that they have been victimized.

And so, a mortar attack on the presidential palace – if it were to hit its mark and actually create a large number of deaths, or even the death of a president – would certainly create a situation where the ruling party and everyone who voted for the ruling party in Burundi would feel victimized at a whole new level. And if something like that were to happen, that’s when, historically, violence in Burundi becomes much worse, and that’s what everybody fears here.

Up to this point, the violence in Burundi has largely been political in nature. There’s always an ethnic tinge to it, but it’s largely political. But everyone’s fear is that the violence in Burundi could flip into wholesale ethnic violence.

And if that were to happen, then all bets are off, because we’ve seen back in the 1970s, the 1980s, the 1990s, Burundi can produce tens of thousands of refugees in a single weekend. It can produce hundreds of thousands of new refugees in a matter of weeks.

It can produce tens of thousands of deaths of innocent people in a short period of time, if the violence escalates to a whole new level. The violence in Burundi now is bad, but it is not as bad as it could get, and if both sides see themselves as victims, then they lash out very strongly at each other.

KPFA: By both sides, you mean Hutu and Tutsi?

JD: If it gets to that, yes.

KPFA: If it gets to that.

JD: If it becomes totally ethnic in character. Right now, as I said, there’s an ethnic undercurrent, but it seems largely politically oriented. There are plenty of Hutu in Burundi who oppose the ruling party and the third term of the president.

But if you were to have a wholesale invasion of Burundi by an army organized by the government of Rwanda and sent into Burundi – Burundian refugees – that would tilt the dynamics of the violence in Burundi instantaneously. And that’s what everybody fears.

AG: OK, is there anything else you’d like to say?

JD: Yes. This is an issue that has not gotten attention in the media. The attention it has gotten has largely been from European media.

It does need more attention here in the United States and I’m encouraged that you’re looking at this, and I hope that it will stimulate more coverage from other American media because there is potential for this to get out of hand very quickly.

It oftentimes felt very lonely and very isolated there at Mahama Camp. It’s a remote area anyway, and you always wonder who’s really paying attention. You file your reports, but sometimes you wonder who’s reading them. But, little by little, I think that, hopefully, pressure’s being put on the government.

AG: Well, it’s courageous of you to speak. It’s courageous of you to have even filed the reports there, because the Rwandan government is known to disappear people. I think you’re pretty safe here in Maryland, but in Mahama Refugee Camp, they could just say, “He’s gone and we don’t know where. We can’t be responsible for everybody.”

JD: It’s something that we thought about and we talked about at critical moments. We were aware. Like I say, you’re weighing risks every single day on things large and small – risk to yourself, risk to the refugees, risk to your co-workers. Every step you take, in a way, has to be thought through in advance.

So it continues here in the states. I feel like I’ve brought Rwanda back with me – for better or worse.

umututsi mwiza umumenya iyo aphuye 02/12/2015 10:24

Mukomere bana ba mama batutsi mwese mwiyemeje kuva mukinyoma hamwe bahutu mwese mwiyemeje gutahiriza umugozi umwe. Mukomere cyane nwese basomyi ba kino kinyamakuru natwe twiyemeje kujya tubajyezaho za karahanyuze kuko ubu abahezanguni bataye pose ntabwoko tujyenderaho kuko twese turi bamwe gusa icyo nkomeje kwisabira abatutsi bene mama nuko tugira urukundo tukareka kujyendera mubweyeye kandi nsmwe bahutu mube maso kuko ngo ubugabo buravukanwa gusa mureke gukomeza kuba ibigwali ahubwo mutabare kuko imigambi yapanzwe nabahezanguni ntacyo iteze kumarira urwatubyaye ahubwo turiteza rubanda!!

Ndasuhuza Rugwe na Murphy na quatre kuko burya iyo mwandika biranshimisha naho abandi benshi baza baje gutukana ntago aribyiza. Mukomere cyane kandi umwaka mushya muhire.

gusa namwe muri mumirwano tubifurije amahoro yanyagasani kandi mukomere ngi bucya bwitwa ejobundi naho abarangariye ubutunzi mugihe benewanyu barigupha amanwa na nijoro kandi barengana muteye impuhwe kuko nihahandi imigambi mibisha niba mutitabaye izabageza kwa ndabaga.

mube maso dore ibinywa maraso byiyemeje kuriza imbaga nimurangara rero kababayeho.

erega gupha ntawe byishe guphira mucyaha nibyo bibi.

Munyarukato 01/12/2015 16:06

Ariko mwari muzi ko abatutsi bo mu Rwanda ari bo bazanye umuvumo muri aka karere kose? Muzambwire rwose ahantu na hamwe muri aka karere higeze haba ubwicanyi abatutsi bo mi Rwanda batabiri inyuma nta na hamwe mwabona.

Burundi 1972: Hari abantu batazi ko ubwicanyi bw'abahutu mu burundi bwo mu 1972 bwamamaye ku isi hose bwatijwe umurindi n'abatutsi bari bahunze mu Rwanda muri za 59 na za 63 aho bari banze gutegekwa n'abahutu. Abo batutsi nibo bakanguriye bagenzi babo b'abarundi kaze si ukwirara mu bahutu bararimbagura karahava utarakijijwe n'amaguru yahasize agatwe.

Uganda 1986: ubwicanyi bwakorewe abagande twese tuzi uruhare runini cyane impunzi z'abatutsi b'abanyarwanda babugizemo ngo bari kwihimura ku igisa n'umuhutu cyose. Barabishe ku buryo nabo batazi umubare w'abo bishe.

Rwanda 1990: Ntawe uyobewe uburyo uburyo abatutsi b'abanyarwanda baturutse impande zose bateye u Rwanda ngo baraharanira democratie nyamara baje barimbura icyitwa umuhutu wese gihumeka bahuraga na cyo ku buryo kugeza na n'ubu hari ahantu hahindutse amatongo burundu. Ibya 1994 aho batatinye no kwica abatutsi bene wabo bafatanije n'interahamwe, 1995, 1996,1997...2000 nta cyo niritwa mvuga abahutu bambera abahamya kuko iyo myaka yabaye imperuka kuri benshi muri bo.

Burundi 1993: abitwaza manda ya 3 ya Nkurunziza mu gusobanura ubwicanyi buri kubera mu Burundi badusobanurira ari iyihe manda Ndadaye yari yiyongeje kugira ngo bamwice bene kariya kageni kuje ubugome butavugwa kandibyari yatowe ku mugaragaro. Aha naho ndabamenyesha ko Kagame Pilato aumwicanyii mukuru yari ahibereye. Ikindi ni uko udutsinda tw'abicanyi bitaga aba SANS ECHEC twari tugizwe 80% n'abatutsi b'abanyarwanda bari impunzi mu Burundi ku buryo nyuma yo gutaha mu Rwanda mu 1994 uwo mutwe wahise usenyuka burundu.

Zaire 1996: Aha sinirirwa mvuga menshi twese tuzi ko Congo yahindutse uko imeze uku kubera abatutsi b'abanyarwanda. Miriyoni 6 zirenga z'abacongomani n'abahutu b'abanyarwanda bishwe n'abatutsi bo mu Rwanda babeshya ko bagiye kurengera abanyamulenge ariko magingo aya icyabajyanyeyo cyaragaragaye.

Kenya 2008: ubwicanyi bwakurikiye amatora yo muri 2008 abatutsi bo mu Rwanda bari babwihishe inyuma aho bari bashyigikiye Odinga rwihishwa na ba Ruto kuko batibonagamo Kibaki bashinjaga ubuhutu. Ubwo bwicanyi rero babushyigikiye bagamije kwanduza isura ya Kibaki.

Tanzania 2015: Twese turabizi ukuntu abicanyi b'abatutsi bo mu Rwanda bashyigikiye Lowassa bagamije kuzamukoreramo manuha ndetse n'amafaranga menshi, banateza n'akaduruvayo kaguyemo abanti ngo bari kwamagana amatora ariko birangira bimyije imoso Tanzania ibereka ko yabavumbuye kera.

Burundi 2015: ikigaragara ni uko abatutsi b'abarundi badafite ubugome nk'ubwa bagenzi babo b'abanyarwanda kuko ibiri kubera i Burundi magingo aya ari abatutsi b'abanyarwanda babiri inyuma 100% akaba ari bo birirwa bakangurira abatutsi b'abarundi irondakoko no kwanga abahutu kandi bari bamaze kabiri babanye neza.

Muri make muribonera ko kuri aka karere nta nahamwe haba ubwicanyi abatutsi b'abanyarwanda bataburi inyuma. Ibyo byerekana ko abatutsi ari ubwoko bubi bugomba gukumirwa mu cyitwa ubuyobozi aho buva bukagera kuko bagaragaje konicyo bashoboye ari ukwica no kumena amaraso gusa.

Bazabasubize mu mase no mu nka zabo bajye birirwa baziragiye banashondana hagati yabo nicyo bashoboye gusa nta kindi.


Munyarukato

Mahoro 01/12/2015 15:22

Kamongo we, uri umututsi w,umuhezanguni birenze kamere. Nta cyiza cyava mu kanwa kawe. Imana tugira nuko abantu babi nkawe ari bacye cyane. Ni amadayimoni akuzuyemo gusa gusa.

Mbonyingabo 01/12/2015 15:20

Nkurunziza akwiriye Kwigana ibyakoze mubufransa igihe harihamaze kwitswa abantu bahise batangaza umukwabu, batangira gusaka ahantu hose bakeka.

Kamongo 01/12/2015 15:04

byo byose bizapfa ubusa kuva abahutu tukiyobora uburundi. Twe kuva kera muri kamere yacu dukunda kumena amaraso. Twarabikoze mu rwanda dutsemba plus de 1 millions des tutsis muri 3mois gusa. Abo twatsembye 1959, bo siniriwe mbavuga. Mu burundi rero muri 10ans Nkurunziza amaze kubutegetsi naho ntako tutagize, amanyamulenge twarabatikije mu makambi, abagogwe n'abanyejomba muri congo dusya tutanzitse.

Gusa aho bukera ndabona katubayeho kuko isi yose yaduhagurukiye ubu turabara ubukeye.


Buyoya ntiyigeze résistant ngo yange imishyikirano nkuko abadede bayamaganira kure Nkurunziza na Nyamitwe bakirirwa bavuga ko amahoro n'umutekano ari munange mugihe imirambo igwa muri bujumbura nk'urubura.


Ndabona igihugu tukigejeje aho Habyalimana yagejeje urwanda muri 1994.

Gusa natwe ubwacu ntitubona amaherezo.

Kamongo 01/12/2015 15:04

byo byose bizapfa ubusa kuva abahutu tukiyobora uburundi. Twe kuva kera muri kamere yacu dukunda kumena amaraso. Twarabikoze mu rwanda dutsemba plus de 1 millions des tutsis muri 3mois gusa. Abo twatsembye 1959, bo siniriwe mbavuga. Mu burundi rero muri 10ans Nkurunziza amaze kubutegetsi naho ntako tutagize, amanyamulenge twarabatikije mu makambi, abagogwe n'abanyejomba muri congo dusya tutanzitse.

Gusa aho bukera ndabona katubayeho kuko isi yose yaduhagurukiye ubu turabara ubukeye.


Buyoya ntiyigeze résistant ngo yange imishyikirano nkuko abadede bayamaganira kure Nkurunziza na Nyamitwe bakirirwa bavuga ko amahoro n'umutekano ari munange mugihe imirambo igwa muri bujumbura nk'urubura.


Ndabona igihugu tukigejeje aho Habyalimana yagejeje urwanda muri 1994.

Gusa natwe ubwacu ntitubona amaherezo.

KIMENYI 01/12/2015 13:58

IKIBAZO : HALI ABANTU BATUBWIRA IMPAMVU UMUBYEYI WA KAGAME ASTERIA RUTANGAMBWA . IMPAMVU ATIGEZE ABONEKA PUBLICALY ??

NTAHANTU YIGEZE ABONEKA MULI COMMUNITY NAHAMWE YEMWE NIFOTO YE IBONETSE BWAMBERE ALI UKO APFUYE !!!!

UBU SE BYABA BYARATERWAGA NIKI ????

NDABANANIYE 01/12/2015 13:01

Museveni comme médiateur?
L'ONU était présente au Rwanda en 1994 ça n'a pas empêché l'apocalypse qu'on a connu.
L'ONU était présente dans les camps de réfugiés Rwandais en RDC.
S'il n y avait pas eu un double jeu de certains membres du conseil de sécurité les hutu Burundais et Rwandais et congolais n'auraient pas été massacrés par les troupes Rwandaise.
Nkurunziza ne doit pas accepter les négociations sous la pression de la guerre.
Il est à rappeler que Museveni a été utilisé pour soutenir la rebellion dirigé par Kagame afin de prendre le pouvoir à Kigali par la Force.
Le couple Museveni Kagame on envahi la RDC combien de fois ?
vous ne voyez pas que Les deux hommes travaillent sur un même dessin des pays des grands Lacs?

Si l'ONU veut vraiment apaiser le Burundi il faut qu'il mette la pression sur des pays qui qui envoient les commandos à Bujumbura pour tuer les BURUNDAIS.
les gens ne sont pas dûpes.on est dans le même sénario que le M23 en RDC et le Rwanda a toujours nié puis confirmé par les enquêtes indépendantes.
Pour cette fois -ci le Rwanda nie qu'il arme les burundais pour aller destabiliser leur pays, mais refuse en même temps qu'on fasse des enquêtes pour approuver ou déprouver .
Le discours de paul Kagame enfonçant le président Nkurunziza et son gouvernement qui devrait attirer attention de tout le monde voir critiqué, a été acclamé chez les néocolonialistes.
Attention les BURUNDAIS VOTRE SITUATION RESSEMBLE ETRANGEMENT A LA GUERRE DU RWANDA DE 1990 QUI A ABOUTI AUX MASSACRES DE MASSES DE 1994.
Ceux qui ont préparé et planifié ces massacres sont à votre porte, avec les mêmes methodes :
-Assassinats ciblés des personnalités bien choisies de la société civile ,politique, militaire etc..
Avalanches des médias occidentaux et africains qui malheureusement vont faire la publicité voir se ranger du côtés des agresseurs .
-les crimes commis sont mis systématiquement sur le dos du président Nkurunziza.
-infiltration massive des combatants (il n'est pas à exclure que la moitié des commandos du FPR se trouverait à Bujumbura)
IL Y A BEAUCOUP DE CHOSES A DIRE SUR CETTE GUERRE QUI VOUS A ETE DECLARE.
VOUS SAVEZ MÊME ACTUELLEMENT ON CONTINUE A CHERCHER LES COMMANDITAIRES DE L'ASSASSINAT DU PRESIDENT KENNEDY.
MAIS LE CAS DE LA MORT DES PRESIDE NTS NDADAYE, HABYALIMANA, NTARYAMIRA, KABIRA, LES COMMANDITAIRES SONT LA, MAIS,ON NE SE DONNE PAS LA PEINE MÊME DE CHERCHER ,TOUT SIMPLEMENT PARCE QUE ON NE VEUT PAS LES INCULPER(LE CAS DE KARENZI KARAKE EST REVELATEUR).

Kamongo 01/12/2015 12:49

ONU ni igikoresho cya KAGOME. Utabibona gutyo ntakwiye kuba muri Afrika. Impamvu Nkurunziza Imana ikimurinze ni uko ari we muperezida wenyine muri Afrika washoboye kwerekana ko Gatindi KAGAME ari we ukoresha ONU.

Masitimu Rumuri 01/12/2015 12:08

Ariko ONU nigiki? Mwabanyafrika mwe mufungure amaso murebe mwibaze ngo ONU cg Loni nigiki ? Ishinzwe iki ? Ikora iki ? Ikorera bande? Afrika yo hagati mube maso mudashirira kwicumu nkuko abahutu bashiriye kwicumu.
ONU iza kwizina rya MONUSCO, UNHCR, HCR, LONI, USA, UK, European union. Abo bazungu bihinduranya nkuruvu mu kurimbagura abanyafrika mubamenye mumenye nibikoresho byabo bakoresha mugutsembatsemba twe abanyafrika, mu mumenye izo nzira zabo zose ninyito zabo zitwa Genocide. Abakorera abazungu ntibakorera umunyafrika numwe cg ibihugu byacu byafrika kuko bakorera abazungu kubategurira kuzaza gutura afrika bamaze kumaraho buri munyafrika wese. Igihe kirageze ngo twivune umwanzi utumariye kwicumu, utumarishije, udutsembeye gushira kwisi. Abo bazungu nibikoresho byabo tugomba kubereka ko nabo bava amaraso, ntamajambo tukeneye ukundi, ibikorwa ubu bitangire. Abo bazungu barashaka iki muburundi ? Bashaka iki kuburundi? Abo bazungu ba Rutuku ntidutukura nkabo kirazira. Uko batukura ninako imitima yaboitukura, ntaho duhuriye nagato. kandi nizo
nkandagira bitabo zabazungu zibikoresho byabo igihe cyose zikora amabi kuko ntakindi cyava mu mitwe yabo, ubukoroni bwa kabili muri afrika ntawe ubukeneye, ubuhake, ubuja nubugaragu byari byarasimbuwe na Democracy ntidukeneye ibyahise ngo bigaruke tureba. Ngirango buri wese ufite amaso yo kureba arabibona, cg ufite umutima aratekereza kimwe nufite amatwi yo kumva ari kubyumva. Nuko rero dufatane mu mugongo twirukane burundu inkozi zibibi ninkoramaraso muri afrika, twirukane abazungu bose muri afrika, afrika niyo abanyafrika Ntabwo ariyabazungu. Mandera yabohoje afrika yepfo, na Afrika yo hagati Ntabwo ari agatebo kayora ivu. Mbwira abumva nimwene Kanyarwanda.

Wisdom 01/12/2015 11:46

Kamongo we, iyo ataba twe abatutsi mu by'ukuri, ibyo uvuze ku bahutu ntibyazaga gushoboka, na we urabizi neza. Ubwo rero aho ni ho infundo ry'ikibazo riri, ni naho igisubizo kiri. Imishyikirano isesuye hagati ya bombi!

Kamongo 01/12/2015 11:31

Ibyo byose bizapfa ubusa kuva abahutu tukiyobora uburundi. Twe kuva kera muri kamere yacu dukunda kumena amaraso. Twarabikoze mu rwanda dutsemba plus de 1 millions des tutsis muri 3mois gusa. Abo twatsembye 1959, bo siniriwe mbavuga. Mu burundi rero muri 10ans Nkurunziza amaze kubutegetsi naho ntako tutagize, amanyamulenge twarabatikije mu makambi, abagogwe n'abanyejomba muri congo dusya tutanzitse.
Gusa aho bukera ndabona katubayeho kuko isi yose yaduhagurukiye ubu turabara ubukeye.

Buyoya ntiyigeze résistant ngo yange imishyikirano nkuko abadede bayamaganira kure Nkurunziza na Nyamitwe bakirirwa bavuga ko amahoro n'umutekano ari munange mugihe imirambo igwa muri bujumbura nk'urubura.

Ndabona igihugu tukigejeje aho Habyalimana yagejeje urwanda muri 1994.
Gusa natwe ubwacu ntitubona amaherezo.

iyakaremye 01/12/2015 12:37

Noneho Munyarukato yahinduye izina yiyta Kamongo.!!!!